CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME OF THE SAGE ENDOWMENT FUND GIVEN IN 18$>1 BY HENRY WILLIAMS SAGE CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 3 1924 088 025 014 The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924088025014 OTJE INDIAN WAEDS. BY GEORGE W. MANYPENNY, COMMISSIONEK OP INDIAN AFFAIRS FROM MARCH, 1853, UNTIL MARCH, 1857; AND Chairman op the Siotjx Commission op 1876. "Is NOT THE GOVEENMBNT STUONQ ENOUGH TO KEEP ITS AGBEB- MENTS WITH US ? " — Cliief Ouray. CINCINNATI: '■ '. EOBEET CLAE'KE & CO. 1880. COPYEIGHT. GEORGE W. MANYPENNY 1880. CONTENTS. Inthoduotory vii CHAPTER I. ^/ The keception of the early kxplokerr by the North American Indians. — ^The conduct op the former toward the latter: — Grants by En- EOPEAN POWERS TO THKIR SUBJECTS. — The LANDINS OF THE PiLGRlMS. — ■ The DESTRUCTION OF THE PeQUODS, ETC 1-15 CHAPTER II. ^ The INTERCOURSE AND DEALINGS OF WiLUAM PeNN WITH THE INDIANS. — ThE IMPRESSION MADE UPON THEM. — PeNn's DESCRIPTION OP THE INDIANS AS he FOUND THEM 16-32 CHAPTER III. Events immediately preceding and following the treaty of Paris, in 1763. — Cessions by France and Spain of their rights to territory east op the Mississippi. — Conspiracy op Pontiac. — Troops raised in Pennsylvania and Virginia. — Bounty for Indian scalps. — Whites occupy the Ohio valley. — Enter Kentucky and the Northwest Territory. — Rupture between Great Britain and her colonies. — Beginning of the Revolutionary War, etc 33-51 CHAPTER IV. Events following the treaty of peace. — The effect upon the Indians. — The frontier posts remain in the hands of the British. — Complica- tions resulting therefrom. — Military expeditions against the In- dians. — Interview at Niagara between United States commission- ers AND DEPUTATIONS PROM THE INDIAN NATIONS, ETC 52-72 CHAPTER V. St. Clair's defeat communicated to Congress. — Another campaign pbo- jected. — Gen. Wayne assigned to command it. — The Indians defeated. Treaty of Greenville. — A boundary or division line adopted. — More territory demanded from the Indians. — Subsequent treaties and their effect. — Rupture between Tecumseh and Gen. Harrison. — Bat- tle OF Tippecanoe. — Tecumseh joins the British, and is killed at the battle of THE ThAMES, ETC 73-91 (iii) IV CONTENTS. CHAPTER VI. Eaklt treaties with the Cherokees, Choctaws, Chickasaws, and Creers. — Message of PREsinENT Monroe, and views op John C. Cai.houx, Secre- tary OF War, recommending the remotal of the Indian nations re- siding east op thp. Mississippi riter to the west side. — Views op James Barbodr, SECRETARr of War, on the same subject. — Message op President Jackson recommending this removal. — Act op Congress pro- viding for the same passed Mat 28, 1830 92-110 CHAPTER VII. ^ Dedication op the cotrNTRT westXop the Mississippi river for a permanent HOME FOR the InDIANS RESIMNG EAST OF IT.— GdARANTEE.S THAT THIS NEW HOME SHOULD NEVER BE EMBRACED WITHIN THE LIMITS OP ANT OR- GANIZED STATE OR TERRITORY. -^ThE TRIBES THAT EMIGRATED. — ThBIR " LOST MONEY." — ThE ANNEXATION OF TeXAS AND OTHER ACQIISITIONS. — ThE EFFECT UPON THE INDIANS. — DEMANDS THAT THE COUNTRY SHOULD BE OPENED TO THE SETTLEMENT OF THE WHITE PEOPLE. — ORGANIZATION OF THE TERRI- TORY OF Kansas. — Its effect on the emigrated tribes — Treaties of 1854. — Intrusion OF the whites. — Military officers at Fort Leaven- worth SYMPATHIZE WITH THE " SQUATTERS." — The RESERVATIONS OF THE Cherokees, Chickasaws, Choctaws, etc 111-133 CHAPTER Vlll. t^ The removal of Indian tribes. — The story of one removal substantially THE story of all. — ThB REMOVAL OP THE SaNTEE SiODX AND WiSNBBAGO Indians.— The destruction of the buffalo and small game. — Its effect ON THE Indians of the plains 134-150 / -^CHAPTER IX. V Thk Indians on the Pacific slope, Texas, New Mexico, and the territory embraced in Utah, Nevada, Idaho, Montana, Wyoming, Colorado, Ari- zona, AND paKt of Dakota. — The incursions op whites previous to any arrangement with the Indians. — Complications, wars, and treaties. Destruction of Liecten.^ntGbattan's command. — Harney's campaign. Operations of Lieutenant Dunn and Major Dowlino. — Black Kettle's VISIT to Denver. — Chivington's attack on his village. — Destruction op Colonel Fetterman's command. — Campaign op General Hancock. Burning op the Cheyenne village, etc 151-172 CONTENTS. CHAPTER X. ^,- Military operations against the Indians in New Mexico and Aeizona in 1862, 1863, 1864, and 1869. — Deliberate attempt to exterminate them. — Massacre op Apaches in 1871 at Camp Grant, etc 176-193 CHAPTER XI.i/^ A Board of Peace Commissioners created by Congress. — Treaties made ■WITH THE Kiowa, Comanche, Cheyenne, and Arapahoe, Sioux, and other Indians. — Five hundred thous.vnd dollars appkopuiated to carry their provisions into eepect. — This duty confided to General Sher- man. — Transfer of General Serridan to the Department of the Mis- souri. — He condemns what the Peace Commission had done. — Holds that the Indians should have been punished. — General Sherman co- incides IN THIS opinion. ACTION OF THE COMMISSION AT CHICAGO. — Campaign against "the hostile Indians south op the Arkansas," ETC 194^216 CHAPTER XII. ^ General Sheridan's operations. — Movements op General Custer. — His SURPRISE AND DESTRUCTION OF BlACK KeTTLB's VILLAGE, CALLED BY THE MILITARY "THE BaTTLE OP THE WaSHITA." — HiS RETURN TO GENERAL Sheridan's headquarters at Camp Supply. — Incidents and events of - THE march op the COMMAND.PBOM THENCE, VIA THE BATTLE-GROUND, TO FoRT Cobb 217-242 CHAPTER XIII. ■^ Correspondence and official reports op Gen. Sheridan and Gen. Hazen, touching the status of thf. Cheyennes and Arapahoes. — An examina- tion op the contents op these. — The operations op Gen. Harney and Gen. Hazen, acting as Indian agents under the supervision op Gen. Sherman 243-271 CHAPTER XIV. I/" Military operations in Montana in 1869 and 1870. — The destruction op the Piegan Indian camp by Col. Baker. — Military correspondence and REPORTS touching THE CAMPAIGN 272-293 n CONTENTS. CHAPTER XV. v/ The Sioux war of 1876. — How brocobt about. — Sitting Bull and his pol- LOWEES TURNED OVER TO THE ABMY FEBRUARY 1, 1876. — SITTING BuLl's VIEWS. — Seizure of the arms and ponies of the Indians at Red Cloud, Standing Rook, and Cheyenne river agencies. — Military correspond- ence AND comments THEREON 294-321 CHAPTER XVI. n/ Operation's against the Northern Cueyennes. — Their surrender. — The SURRENDER OF CrAZT HoBSE. — The CHIEF IS STABBED AT CaMP RoBINSON. — Transfer of the Cheyen.ves to the Indian Territory. — Dull Knife's BAND escapes NORTH. — ItS FATE. — A SAD STORY 322-341 CHAPTER XVII. ^^ The Sioux Commission of 1876. — Correspondence of Generals McKenzie, Crook, and Sheridan, in relation to the Indians and the operations OF the Commission.^The removal of the Comanche and Kiowa In- dians from Fort Sill to the Wichita agency. — Illustrations of the frankness and candor of high military officers 342-372 CHAPTER XVIII. The transfer question in the 45th Congress. — A joint select committee appointed to inquire into the subject. — Its action. — Testimony of Gen. Sherman and others. — Remarkable te.stimony of Gen. Meigs. The cost of supporting the army compared with the cost of support- ing the Indians, etc., etc 373-394 CHAPTER XIX. The Ute Indians of Colorado. — The treaty op 1868, and the agree- ment of 1873 WITH THEM. — An EXAMINATION OF THE MANNER IN WHICH each party has PERFORMED ITS OBLIGATIONS. — ThE ORIGIN OF THE PRESENT COMPLICATIONS, ETC 395-410 INTRODUCTORY. In the preparation and publication of this work the author has been moved by a sincere desire to render service in the amelioration of the condition of our Indian population, now numbering about two hundred and seventy-five thousand souls. The condition of this population, and the relations existing between the Indians and the white people dwelling on the border, is not satisfactory. This fact no intelligent man will deny. There is diversity of opinion as to the causes which produce the discontent and disorder that prevail, as well as the wars that result therefrom. These -border wars began at a very early period, and may be traced through our whole history, and the record is a sickening detail of outrage, robbery, and murder. The careful student of history should have no difficulty in discovering the origin of our Indian complications, as well as the causes that have stimulated conflicts between the white and red man, and which have formed such sad chapters in our annals. It can not be denied, that from the period when the first infant settlements were made upon the Atlantic sea-board by European colonists, until the present time, there have been constant, persistent, and unceasing eflEbrts on the part of the white man to drive the Indian from his hunting ground and his home. "When the encroachments of the former became unbearable, they were forcibly resisted by the latter. This was the only mode left to the Indian by which to redress his wrongs, since he had no standing in the civil tribunals of the (vii) Vm INTRODUCTORY. colonies, and even to this day we have practically denied him the benefit of our courts. Unless we expect from the savage more forbearance than from the civilized man under like cir- cumstances, there should be no surprise that he has resisted the aggressions made upon him. That he was willing, under proper treatment, to have lived in amity with the white man, there is abundant evidence. In 1607, the first permanent settlement in our country was commenced at Jamestown, Virginia, by a colony of English- men. A few years thereafter, in a conversation between Captain John Smith, one of the original councilmen in the colony, and Powhatan, the principal chief of the Indians re- siding in southern Virginia, the latter said: "I am an old man, and must soon die, and the succession must descend in order to my brothers, and then to my two sisters and their daughters. I wish their experience was equal to mine, and that your love to us might not be less than ours to you. Why should you take by force from us that lohich you can obtain by love ? Why should you destroy us, who have provided you With food ? What can you gain by war ? We can hide our provisions, and fly into the woods, and then you must, consequently, almost famish by reason of wronging your friends. You see us unarmed and willing to supply your wants, if you will come in a friendly manner, and hot with swords and guns, as to invade an enemy. I am not so simple as not to know that it is better to eat good meat, be well, and sleep quietly with my women and children, to laugh and be merr}'- with the English, and, being their friend, to have copper hatchets and whatever else I want, than to fly from all, to lie cold in the woods, feed upon acorns, roots, and such trash, and to be so hunted that I can not rest, eat or sleep, and so, in this miserable maimer, to end my miser- able life; and. Captain Smith, this might soon be your fate too INTRODUCTORY. IX through your rashness and unadvisedness. I therefore exhort you to peaceable counsels." It will, in a few years, be three centariea since the chief Powhatan had the talk with Captain Smith, from which this extract is taken. If the views expressed by the chief liad governed the intercourse between the races from that period until the present time, much of the suffering, torture, and premature death that accompaoied the colonizing and settle- ment of our country would have been spared, the civilization of the Indian assured, and the white and red man have dwelt together in harmony and peace. It was no fault of the na- tives that relations of peace and good will were not success- fully cultivated. On this occasion, and in behalf of his race, Powhatan solved the Indian problem; and "William Penn justified this solution when he assumed direction of affairs in his prov- ince, and established such relations with the Indians that peace and friendship prevailed for more than two-thirds of a century, during which time the Friends held power. In the second chapter of this work, the conduct of this great and good man, in his intercourse with, and his opinion of the na- tive race, will be found, and to the same the reader is re- spectfully referred. In view of the pacific disposition of the natives, as attested by Powhatan, and the fact that the followers of William Penn lived so many years with the Indians without a single serious disturbance in his province, coupled with the pledge in the ordinance of 1787 that " the utmost good faith shall be observed toward the Indians; their lands and property shall never be taken from them without their consent ; and in their property, rights, and liberty they shall never be in- vaded or disturbed, unless in just and lawful wars authorized' by Congress," there is in the ever recurring and never ending X I INTRODUCTORY. eonflicts between the white man and the Indian, cause for the deepest humiliation. From the organization of the government until the year 1871, the extinction of Indian title to lands was acquired by- treaty, and by the same process the new home set apart from time to time for the residence of the tribe was assured to it, with the covenant in the treaty that such new home should be the permanent home of the tribe forever. Such covenants, though solemnly entered into by the government, were not regarded. Whenever the progress of settlement brought the white man's residence near the Indian's home, another treaty was demanded. If the tribewas unwilling to surrender this " permanent home," and no other means were found adequate to bring the Indians into negotiation, in due time, through complications of some sort, there was what was termed an " Indian outbreak," rapidly followed by a conflict, terminat- ing in another removal. The effect of these removals, so often repeated, has at all times worked injury to the Indians, and proved fatal to their advancement. Under the operation some tribes have yielded in despair. Others that survived did not recover from or overcome the fatal results for generations. Communities of our own race could not undergo like trials without serious loss in numbers as well as vitality ; and, if repeated, as in the case of the Indians, who have so often been removed, they would relapse into a very low grade of civilization. When the facts are considered, there should be no surprise that our Indian wards have not advanced more rapidly. Superadded to the affliction growing out of these frequent removals, other and numerous ditKculties have been placed in the path of the Indians. Even the most beneficent measures of the government looking to his advancement have, in many cases, been counteracted by the agencies employed to execute INTRODUCTORY. XI them; agents have frequently proved faithless, andT soldiers sent to protect the tribes have not only been cruel and vindic- tive, but often have introduced demoralization and carried disease among them. In fact (though it may seem paradoxical); it is yet true, that the white man's conduct and example, in- stead of aiding, bas been the chief obstacle in the way of the civilization of the Indian. Wn**^*-^''^*'''^''^ In 1826, the then secretary of w av said this Indian question^ was a most solemn one, and that it addressed itself " to the American people, whose answer was full of responsibility. ^. . . Shall we go on quietly in a course which, judging fpom the past, threatens their extinction, while their past sufferings and future -prospects so pathetically appeal to our compassion f " Twenty years later, the attorney-general of the United States said " there is nothing in the whole compass of our laws so hard to bring within any precise definition, or logical or scientific arrangement, as the relation in which the Indian stands toward the United' States." And the report of the peace commission, of tbe date of January 7, 1868, said : " Nobody pays any attention 'to Indian matters. This is a deplorable fact. Members of Congress understand the negro question, and talk learnedly on finance and political economy, but when the progress of settlement reaches the Indian's home, the only question considered is ' how best to get his lands.' When they are obtained, the Indian is lost sight of. "While our missionary societies and benevolent associations have annually collected thousands of dollars from the charitable to send to Asia and Africa, for the purposes of civilization, scarcely a; dollar is expended or a thought bestowed on the civilization of the Indians at our very doors." Is it not time that a change should take place ? Is it not time that the government and people of the (Jnited States should resolve that justice and fair dealing shall be substituted Xll INTRODUCTORY. for that coldness, sordid selfishness, and cruelty which the na- tive race has endured in all the years of the past ? The In- dian is not only entitled to justice at our hands, but we should extend to the race our earnest sympathy and aid. Our wards should have our best efforts for the amelioration of their con- dition. There are among them many men of worth, with natural gifts equal to those possessed by our own race; and, with a fair and equal chance in the battle of life, there should be no doubt as to the willingness of the Indian to accept our civilization, or of his capability to become a useful member of society. Let the red man have what he never has had, ap- propriate protection and support, and fair opportunity. Let him be emancipated from every evil and adverse influence, and lifted up and pressed forward in the new life. Let us deal with -him as we would be dealt by. In short, let us ad- rait that he is a Man, and treat him as such, not spasmod- ically, but persistently, constantly, and in every relation of life. To begin, let him have a fixed and settled home. This is imperative. Let him be distressed no more with the fear and apprehension that this home will be taken from him. Many of the reservations on which the Indians now reside are not suitable as to location or the quality of the land embraced within them. They have been selected in exigencies arising at the time, and without any regard to their adaptability to the uses intended. However aflicting it may be, there is an absolute necessity that some of these reservations be recast. This is demanded by the true interests of both races. Some tribes have tracts so barren, that, no matter how desirous they may be to engage in cultivation, they must be debarred the privilege ; others are so located as to expose them at all times to trespass from the whites, and, thus disturbed, they must fail in their efforts. There are in the Western States INTRODUCTORY. Xlll and Territories nearly an hundred different reservations, in all aggregating about 180,000,000 acres of land. The re- port of the Indian ofiice, for 1878, estimates that, of this land, about 18,000,000 of acres are tillable. It is believed this estimate of tillable land is too large. There is, however, too much territory'iu a number of the reservations, and it is clear that there are too many of them. In recasting and reducing the number, by consolidation or otherwise, the gi'eatest care should be taken, since the change and re-location of those whose true interests require it, should be final. In discuss- ing this phase of the Indian question, in the North American Meview, in 1873, Francis A. Walker, a former commissioner of Indian affairs, said : " It is manifest, therefore, that the next five or ten years must witness a general recasting of the scheme of Indian reservations. This is not to be accomplished by confiscating the Indian title, but by exchange, by concession, by con- solidation. Let Congress provide the necessary authority, under proper limitations for the executive departments, and the adjustment desired can be reached easily and amicably." Six years have passed since this suggestion was made, but Congress has taken no step looking to the consummation of the work. It should be done at once, and with the utmost care. No tribe should have assigned to it, for a permanent home, a reservation that does not contain sufficient tillable land. On this point there should be absolute certainty, and the title to the tract assigned should be as perfect and good as that by which the government conveys its quarter sections to actual settlers. This done, and a great point will be gained. The mind of the Indian will, for the first time, be at rest on a question that has disturbed his ancestor as well as himself. To each head of a family there should, within the reservation, be assigned a homestead. The number of XIV INTRODUCTORY. acres in it should be sufficiently large, but not excessive. He should be taught that he is the proprietor, with the right to exercise jurisdiction over his farm, and be secured in the en- joyment of all he produces upon it. The title to the land should remain in tlie tribe, since the Indians are generally not prepared for fee-simple titles. In years to come, these may be granted. When the tribe is permanently located on the reservation, and the integrity of the same is placed beyond question, and when those disposed to intrude upon the possessions of the red man understand, that if done, it is at their peril, and that certain and swift punishment will follow, the work of the agent may be successfully prosecuted. This should be con- fided to none but men of the highest character for integrity, of good executive ability, and industrious habits. Such men will not have, among their subordinates, any who are un- worthy. At times, indeed too often, the Indians have suffered much for want of agents with proper qualifications. While firm in the discharge of their duties, both the agent and his employes, when engaged in the instruction and direction of the Indian in his work and labor, will do well to offer to the savage the reason why this thing be done and the other omitted. He is the pupil ; they the instructors. In this most impor- tant matter a military agent will always fail. His education training, and discipline are not in the right direction to qualify him to discharge the duties of an Indian agent. From the highest to the lowest in rank, it is the duty of the subordinate to obey orders. The reason why a particular command is given is not explained. To the soldier this is not necessary or proper ; but the instruction of the savao-e is quite a different thing, and the Indian agent who, on all proper occasions, devotes a few minutes in unfolding to the mind of the Indian why he should do as instructed, will find INTRODUCTOEY. XV it time well spent. Firmness and kindness should go hand- in hand. This will not interfere with reformatory discipline. In all cases where Indians can be utilized about the labor of the agency it should be done, and no white employes, except such as can not be dispensed with, should be in the service. The young men of the tribe will gladly take hold of and dis- charge the duties assigned them, and they will be trust- worthy and faithful. Competent men, to act as Indian agents, are to be found in many tribes, and it would be well to give some of these positions as such. The Indian women must cease to do the outdoor work, and confine themselves to domestic duties and the cares of the house and the family. The labor in the garden and the field must be done by the men and boys. To the nomad, this; change will be a great innovation ; but the step being taken by one, others will follow, and, with proper prompting and. encouragement, accessions will continually be made to the ranks of labor. The methods that succeed in one case may, for the time, seem to fail in another. The reason will be- found in the surrounding circumstances. Every phase of the problem must be studied by the agent in charge, and, if faith- ful, diligent, and patient, he will soon surmount all difficul- ties. That the Indians who are well advanced in years will desire to adhere to their savage customs may be expected. Manv of these will yield, and, when the change comes, suph ■will embrace the pursuits of civilized life with earnestness,. and succeed admirably. As the habit of roaming must cease,. and all Indians have their fixed homes, the young of both sexes will always be within reach, and then an inviting and interesting field will be open, not only for the work of the agent, but for the Christian missionary. "With reference to missionary work among the Indians, it may be stated that the various religious denominations in the United States, dur- % XVI INTEODUCTOKY. ing the year 1877, contributed for educational and other pur- poses, among all the tribes except the Cherokee, Choctaw, Chickasaw, Creek, and Seminole Indians, the sum of |70,114, as follows: For education, $33,950; for all other purposes, $36,164. The statistics in the annual report of the Indian office, for the year 1877, are authority for this statement. Prom the same report, it is shown that many tribes have not a single missionary among them. Those thus situate num- ber, in the aggregate, from 60,000 to 70,000 souls ! This is a sad story. The annual contributions made for missionary purposes, by the membership of the various religious denomi- nations in the United States, amount to millions of dollars. 'The mere statement of this fact, in connection with the other fact — that, of the vast sum contributed, the mission boards of the various denominations set oflF barely $70,000 per year for school and mission work among our native heathen — is well ■calculated to produce profound surprise. That such cold in- ■difference should exist in the Christian world toward these hapless people, is a source of deep regret. With reference to the protection of the person and prop- erty of each Indian, and to provide for the punishment of such members of the tribe as trespass upon his farm, as well as for the punishment of minor oflenses committed by one Indian against another, within the reservation, a brief and simple code of regulations, with proper penalties, prepared by the department, and adopted by the Indians in council, will be all sufficient ; and an Indian police, limited in number will suffice to give efficiency and force to them; and thus order will be preserved. Then, Congress should, in good laith, by appropriate legislation, fulfill the pledge made in the ordinance of 1787, and pass such laws, "founded in justice and humanity," as may be necessary to protect the Indian race "in their property, rights, and liberty." Every senti- INTKODUCTOEY. xvii ment of justice demands that this be done at once. The fact that nearly a century has passed since this ordinance was adopted, and that no adequate legislation has been provided,, in pursuance of it, to guarantee to the Indian his rights, is a, burning shame. Let there be no further delay. The present laws for the protection of the Indians from intrusion, trespass, and personal injury by lawless whites, are wholly inadequate. The attention of Congress has repeatedly been called to this fact. It is true that it is made the duty of the military arm, in certain cases, to remove intruders from the Indian lands, but this duty is seldom discharged. On the contrary, the troops have been frequently used to punish the Indians, be- cause they did not quietly submit to wrong and oppression, and the invasion of their rights and territory. Unlawful ex- peditions into the Indian reservations have been made, under the protection and escort of our troops — such, for instance, as the invasion of the Black Hills, inl 874, guarded by troops, with Gattling guns, under command of Gen. Custer. He acted under the authority of his superiors, and with the knowledge of the interior department. This expedition was not to put down any insubordination among the Sioux, nor was it authorized by Congress. It was simply a gold-hunting invasion, and invited miners into the Hills. The next year, owing to the dissatisfaction of. the Sioux, Gen. Crook was sent there to drive out the intruders, who, by the bad exam- ple set them in 1874, had rushted in • but his "sympathies were with the invaders, and liis troops were finally turned upon the Indians ; and thus began the Sioux war of 1'876. To obtain from Congress appropriate legislation, and the passage of such laws as will effectually protect our Indian wards in all their personal and property rights, will be a diffi- cult matter. If the people, however, who are the source of power, take hold of the subject with that earnestness which XVlll ITSTTKODUCTOEY. I its importance demands, and make known to their servants what their wishes are, the result will be accomplished. To ^ve force and vigor to the administration of Indian affairs, the bureau should be emancipated from the interior as well as the war department. The secretary of the interior is now burdened with the vast business and duties of five distinct bureaus, viz., pension, land, patent, education, and Indian. He can not give to the latter that patient attention, and be- stow upon it the labor, its importance demands, and which is absolutely necessary. Of themselves, the business and duties of the Indian bureau are sufficient to engross the entire time, attention, and labor of one possessed of the highest grade of executive ability. No other work should disturb his mind, or occupy his time. On this subject, the peace commission of 1867-8 said : " We believe the Indian question to be one of such mo- mentous importance, as respects both the honor and the in- terests of the nation, as to require for its solution an undi- vided responsibility. The vast and complicated duties now devolved upon the secretary of the interior, leave him too little time to examine and determine the multiplicity of ques- tions necessarily connected with the government of a race. The same may be said of the secretary of war. As thino-s now are, it is difficult to fix responsibility. When errors are committed, the civil department blames the military; the military ra*ort by the charge of inefficiency and corruption against the officers of the bureau. The commissioner of In- dian affiiirs escapes responsibility by pointing to the secretary of the interior, while ,the secretary may well respond that though in theory he may be responsible, practically he is gov- erned by the head of the bureau. We, therefore, recommend that Indian affairs be committed to an independent depart- ment." INTRODTTCTORT. xix The Sioux commission of 1876, in referring to the evils ex- isting in the management of Indian affairs, said : " We submit that the remedy for these evils is not to be found by again placing the care of the Indians in the war department. It had this duty for near three-quarters of a century, and during the whole period there is no page in the bistory of our Indian management upon which our recollec- tion can linger with emotions of pleasure. . . . Our In- dian affairs should be managed by an independent depart- ment. It ought to have at its head one of the first men of the nation, whose recommendations would be heeded, and who, as a member of the cabinet, could confer with the head& of the war and interior departments, and devise such wise and just plans as would equally protect the rights of the In- dians and our own citizens. . . . The head of the inte- rior department is now burdened with five distinct bureaus. He can not give to Indian affairs that patient attention which is necessary to success. The war departmient, as its name in- dicates, is unsuited for the work of civilization. Oflicers of the army are not fitted, by inclination or training, to teach Indian children to read and write, or Indian men to sow and reap." In the tables of statistics, accompanying the report of the commissioner of Indian affairs, for 1878, it is stated that the- number of Indians who wear citizen's dress is 127,450. Of these 61,467 are males, and 65,983 are females. The number of houses occupied by Indians is 23,060. Of schools, there are among the Indians 60 boarding and 306 day schools. The number of scholars attending these schools is 12,222. Of these, 6,631 are males and 5,591 are females. The number of children of school age is estimated at 49,200. In this esti- mate some tribes are not reported. The actual number of school age in all the tribes is probably 55,000. The number XX INTRODUCTORY. of Indians who can read is stated at 41,300. There was ex- pended for education during the year $353,125. Of this sum, the five civilized tribes appropriated $137,775. The number of church buildings, including those among the five civilized tribes, in the " Indian Territory," is 219 ; and the number of missionaries, including such as are among the five tribes referred to, is 226. The five civilized tribes cultivated during the year 245,000 acres of land ; the product from which was 494,400 bushels of wheat, 2,642,000 bushels of corn, 201,000 bushels of oats and barley, 320,000 bushels of vegetables, and 116,500 tons of hay. They own 40,000 horses, 4,750 mules, 236,000 cattle, 173,000 hogs, and 25,500 sheep. Other Indian tribes than the five referred to cultivated during the year 128,018 acres of land ; the product from which was 266,100 bushels of wheat, 971,303 bushels of corn, 172,697 bushels of oats and barley, 315,585 bushels of vegeta- bles, 36,943 tons of hay, 193 tons of melons, and 697 tons of pumpkins. There were 22,319 acres of new land broken during the year, and 128,056 rods of fencing made. There were during the year 2,351 allotments of land made to full- blooded Indians. The Indians other than the five tribes owned 176,766 horses, 4,479 mules, 52,867 cattle, 27,671 hogs, and 510,674 sheep. Other results from Indian labor were 8,100,630 feet of lum- ber sawed, 132,888 cords of wood cut, 200,600 shingles made 387,000 pounds of maple sugar made, 146,000 pounds of wild rice gathered, 17,000 woolen blankets and shawls made, 2 530 willow baskets made, 3,800 cords of hemlock bark peeled for sale, 211,000 pounds of wool sold, and 3,600 barrels of fish -sold. "When we call to mind the fact that by the treaties of 1867-8 with the Sioux, Cheyenne, Arapahoe, the Comanche INTRODUCTORY. XXI Kiowa, and other wild tribes, who had always lived by the chase, it was left with such of them as chose to do so to lead the life of nomads, and that this wild life was sanctioned by Congress, and specific appropriations made for the benefit of such as roamed and hunted, and the further fact that the lands in the reservations of a number of tribes are not sus- -ceptible of cultivation, the statistics given, with the product .of the labor of those engaged in agricultural and pastoral life, should be sufficient to satisfy the most skeptical that our Indian wards can be made self-supporting, and that with proper care and attention this result may be reached in a very few years. The opinion that the Indian population is destined in a Tsrief period to disappear prevails to a very great extent among the masses of our people. This is regarded as the un- .avoidable result of contact with civilization. A carefal study -of the census of this population through a series of years, with an examination of vital statistics for the past four years, will satisfy the reader that this opinion must be modified, and the conclusion will be reached that the Indians, instead of vanishing, are destined to be and remain with us for ages to •come. It is undoubtedly true that from a multiplicity of causes many of the weaker tribes have ceased to exist as .fluch, while the more favored, as well as the more robust ones, have passed through the fearful ordeal, and are slowly in- creasing in numbers. In 1825 the population of the Chero- kee nation, including the half-breeds among them, was 15,000. Between that period and the time of their removal to their present reservation they suffered loss from wars and other causes. In the process of removal they lost nearly one- fourth of their number, and during our late civil war Chero- kee troops were engaged in the conflict, and hence suffered loss ; and yet by the census of 1878 it is seen that the Chero- XXll INTRODUCTORY. kees have a population of 21,072. The Chickasaws nura- bered 2,000 more in 1878 than in 1825. The Delawares now in the Indian Territory show a slight increase over their number in 1854. The population of the Iroquois in New York and Canada in 1877 was 13,668, which considerably ex- ceeds any previous trustworthy estimate of their number for more than a century. Other tribes show a like result. On the other hand, some tribes show a decline in their numbers, the causes for which the careful student of the Indian problem will have no difficulty in reaching. It is a fact that all wild Indians, for a period after the process of civilization begins,, diminish in numbers. The use of the white man's food, the- restraint from roaming, and the ill-ventilated huts in which they dwell, increases disease, and checks for the time being procreation. In the present state of transition, it is said some Dakota families bear no children. There is one source of diminution by which the census of Indian tribes is reduced which is not real. It is not uncommon at this day for Indian families, who have advanced in civilization more rapidly tharv their fellows, to sever the tribal relation and become merged with the population in the white settlements. Among the- Minnesota Sioux this process is going on with some force. Within a few years the matter of vital statistics has had con- siderable attention from the Indian office, and the results are encouraging. Prom these Mr. S. N. Clark, of the bureau of education, has compiled a table of births and deaths in those tribes whose reports contain infomiation on the subject for the years 1874, 1875, and 1876. The result is as follows : 1874, births, 2,152; deaths, 1,490; 1875, births, 1,985 ; deaths^ 1,601 ; 1876, births, 2,401 ; deaths, 2,215. According to the same reports, the number of Indians that received medical treatment, in 1874, was 27,553; in 1875, 46,594 ; in 1876 37 - 232. To attempt to deduce a ratio from these figures would INTEODUCTOEY. XXIU ^aid Mr. Clark, yield false results, since the tribes that re- ported births and deaths from year to year varied. With this -explanation, Mr. Clark gives the following figures : In 1874, the births in tribes numbering 48,000 were 1,495 ; the deaths in tribes numbering 63,772 were 1,047 ; in 1875, the births in tribes numbering 74,417 were 1,905 ; and the deaths in tribes numbering 99,309 were 1,566; in 1876, the births in tribes numbering 81,734 were 2,386 ; and the deaths- in tribes num- bering 90,590 were 2,195. "While this data may not warrant -any definite conclusions as to the tendency and ratio of in- crease, there is sufficient in the figures to dispel the theory, ■which is so commonly held, that the Indian race is vanish- ing, and, from natural causes, will soon disappear. To such of our fellow- citizens as do not feel impelled by the promptings of their better natures and the feelings of hu- manity to take an interest in the proper solution of the In- dian question, the fact that these wards of ours, and their de- scendants, are destined to be and remain upon the soil for generations, should, from a selfish standpoint, attract their most serious attention. The amount of money disbursed in the payment of annuities and for rations, clothing, and all 'else connected with the legitimate expenditures of the In- -dian department, is much less than the amount drawn from the treasury to carry on unjust and cruel wars against the Indians. These wars are exceedingly expensive. As an in- stance : in 1835, a war was begun with the Seminole Indians, in Elorida. A few years preceding. Gen. Porter, then secre- tary of war, estimated the population of these Indians at 4,000. In 1835, Gen. Jackson, then president, was of the opinion that their military strength was about 500 warriors, while Gen. Cass, his secretary of war, estimated the warriors at 750. Lieut. C. A. Harris, then on duty in the Indian ser- vice, reported to the war department that the entire Seminole XXIV INTROBUCTOKY. nation, their negroes included, did not exceed 3,000, and coulfi not bring into the field more than 500 efficient warriors. Gen. Scott, then commanding the troops operating against the Seminoles, in a report, made on the 30th of April, 1836, said : " I am more than ever persuaded that the whole force of the enemy, including negroes, does not exceed 1,200 fight- ing men. It is probably something less." In 1837, the In- dian office gave the number of " Florida Indians," east of the Mississippi, and " under treaty stipulations to remove," at 5,000. During the war the Seminoles had some accessions- from the Creeks and from fugitive slaves who had joined them, but the number of both was not large. The war lasted seven years. The whole available force of the regular army was engaged in the combat, and Generals Scott, Clinch, Gaines, Eustis, Jessup, and Worth, with many other experienced and distinguished officers, were on duty. It was in this war that Col. Zachary Taylor, who, in 1848, was elected President of the United States, suggested the use of blood-hounds to ac- company the troops operating against the Seminoles. The suggestion was approved, and the animals were brought into use to hunt down the Indians ! In addition to the whole force of the regular army, a portion of the navy, and in the aggregate, during the war, more than 20,000 volunteers, were brought into service. In the second year of the war (1836), Gen. Jessup entered the field at the head of one column of 8,000 troops, well provided with all the materials and equipments of war. He had as allies several battalions of Creek Indian war- riors. Choctaws and Delawares also joined his standard. This one single Indian war cost upwards of forty millions of dollars ! In this war the losses among the troops in the regular army and in the navy were 1,555, and among the volunteers the losses were equal, if they did not exceed that number ; mak- ing the aggregate of our losses more than three thousand men. INTRODUCTORY, XXV The losses of the Seminoles were not known. Indians al- ways strive to carry off their dead from the battle-field, and conceal the number. Some years after the close of this war, the Seminole Indians were removed to the Indian Territory, in which, on a portion of the Creek reservation, they now ^ dwell. A remnant remained in Florida, and still dwells there, and number about 500, and those in the Indian Territory now number 2,500. This Seminole war was inaugurated to •drive the Indians out of Florida, when, by an expenditure of a quarter of a million of money, a peaceable removal, with- out the intervention of the military arm, could, without any doubt, have been effected. In the preparation of this work there has been no attempt "to present a continuous history of the Indian race,, or the ■conflicts with it from the time of the discovery of America. In the most condensed form, such a narrative would fill vol- umes, and would, in some sense, be a mere repetition, since the :8tory of one Indian war is the story of all. In what is narrated in the several chapters, it has been the object of the author to adhere to facts, and to give a faithful rela- tion of the various forms in which complications with the Indians arise, and the manner in which the civil as well as the military authorities deal with the wards of the government- In what is stated in relation to the assumptions and conduct •of the military arm toward the Indian tribes, there is nothing extenuate nor aught set down in malice. It is submitted that the facts given ought to silence, now and hereafter, the •clamor in which military officers have indulged against the •civil administration of Indijin affairs, and forever dispose of the question of the restoration of the Indian bureau to the Tvar department — a theme on which these officers (with but few exceptions) have indulged, with an assurance amounting ^o audacity. XXVI INTRODUCTORY. Should the work have any agency in arousing the public- mind, and quickening the conscience of the people, to the end ' that our Indian wards may, in some degree, have that atten- tion which is demanded by every sentiment of justice and every impulse of humanity, so that oppression and cruelty shall give place to just and fair treatment, and thus their path of life be made not only bearable, but strewn with such, aid, instruction, and sympathy as will win them from their wild life, and induce them to accept the comforts of civiliza- tion and a settled home, the writer will be abundantly repaid for his labor. That a better and brighter day may speed- ily come to the despised Indian, should be the aspiration and prayer of every man and woman in our broad land, and aU should earnestly and faithfully labor for such reforms as will- secure exact justice in our dealings with, and thus assure the.; civilization of, our Indian "Wards. GEO. W. MAinrPENFY. January 20, 1880. OUR INDIAN WARDS. CHAPTER I, The eeoeption op the early exploeees by the Noeth American Indians. — The conduct of the foemer toward the latter. — Grants by Eit- EOPEAN POWEES TO THEIR SUBJECTS. — ThE LANDING OF THE PiLGEIMS. — The DESTRUCTION OP THE PeQUODS, ETC. The early explorers that visited the "^New "World" were met by the native inhabitants in the most friendly manner. The utmost confidence was reposed in the strangers, and such rude hospitalities as the natives possessed were freely extended to them. All early annals are agreed on this fact. The kind- ness and confidence of the natives was not reciprocated. The adventurers, whether Spanish, French, Dutch, or English, did not, in their intercourse with the Indians, so conduct them- selves as to confirm the good will bestowed upon them. They were from the very beginning distrustful, exacting, and over- bearing, and there was scarcely a vessel that left on its return trip that did not carry off some of the natives, who were fre- quently forcibly seized for that purpose. The voyagers, whether among the natives on our shores, or on their vessels homeward bound, frequently acted like demi- , savages toward such Indians as were in their power, and very early the practice of kidnaping them to sell them into slavery was commenced. Some pretended that they only seized and carried off the natives as trophies of the voyage, or to serve as guides for future expeditions, and while this may be true in exceptional cases, the chief purpose was to tralSfic in them as chattels. Others were ready on the slightest provocation, or event without provocation, to take the lives of the Indians whenever opportunity offered. Such conduct was well calculated to and did destroy the • confidence of the Indians, and distrust, and finally hatred, took its place, and they were ready to avenge the wrongs suffened OUR INDIAJ^ "WARDS. by their kindred whenever opportunity offered, and upon such of the white race as fell in their way. Thoir mode of retalia- tion was of course barbarous, such as all savage people prac- tice. It must not, however, be forgotten that they were not the aggressors, and that their provocation was great. The native population was sparse, and the country, vast in extent, was in a state of nature, if we except the very slight modification made by the rude dwellings in the Indian vil- lages and the fields and gardens adjacent. These villages were generally surrounded by palisades of logs and brush- wood. In addition to the product of the chase, the food of the Indian was fish, maize, pumpkins, beans, wild rice, and roots. Their arms were the bow and arrow, the war club and si)ear. Their implements of husbandry were of the rudest kind. Each village had its chiefs, and frequently a number of villages in the same locality formed a sort of confederacy, with superior chiefs exercising authority over the whole. The inhabitants of the villages were, in their intercourse, sociable and friendly. Disputes were rare. Their chief sub- jects of conversation were tribal affairs, and hunting and fishing. No one thought of interrupting his neighbor when speaking. All were glad to receive visitors. No profane language was used. Indeed, the Indians had no words ap- plicable to profanity. When a stranger took refuge among them, it was regarded a sacred duty to extend hospitality to such an one, and to refuse succor or relief was a grave offense. In war, their conduct toward their enemies was barbarous. Their wardrobe was scanty, and made of the skins of animals. Such, in brief, was the condition of the Indian population near the Atlantic coast at the time of the discovery of North America. As from time to time the Indians became accus- tomed to the ways and manners of the Europeans, they ad- mitted the superiority of the latter in the arts, but expressed contempt for them because they submitted to laborious em- ployments. They thought their advantages in hunting and fishing gave them precedence over the Europeans, and that in their moral conduct they were superior to the refinements which the latter brought with them. They were quite loathe to exchange their modes of living for such as were introduced OUR INDIAN WARDS. by the new comers, and maintained that it was not in accord- ance with the design of the Great Spirit that they should do so. The reports which the explorers carried home in relation to the value of the newly discovered lands, in time had its effect upon the different European powers, and they set about to possess them. Each endeavored to excel in founding colo- nies in the "New World." It was at that time held by the Christian states of Europe that newly discovered countries belonged to the discoverer, and that while exceptions might be made in favor of the native inhabitants who were Chris- tians, such natives as were not Christians were regarded as proper subjects, not only for conquest, but for plunder. The commission granted by the English king to Cabot, was some- what similar to that previously granted to Columbus by Fer- dinand and Isabella, except that in the latter case Spain bore the expense of the outfit and voyage, while England left Cabot to provide the means himself. Cabot's commission authorized him, or either of his sons, their heirs or deputies, to sail with a fleet in searcji of islands, or regions inhabited by infidels, and hitherto unknown to Christendom, to take pos- session of the same in the name of the king of England, " and as his vassals to conquer, possess, and occupy the same, enjoying for themselves, their heirs and assigns forever, the sole right of trading thither, paying to the king in lieu of cus- toms and impos ts a fifth of all net profits." It would be in- teresting to incorporate the various patents granted by Euro- pean monarchs to the differents explorers who came out to possess the " New World," as well as the proceedings which took place at the ostentatious dedication of each particular tract of country, together with the conduct of the colonists toward the natives who happened to reside in regions where the first settlements were made. A single example in each case will have to suffice. Sparks has given from the " Proces- Verbal" in the French archives, the procedure of La Salle on the banks of the Mississippi, near its mouth, in appropriating a vast country and vesting the title in the same to France. After preparing a column and affixing to the same a cross and the arms of France, with an appropriate inscription, the OUK INDIAN WAKDS. whole party under arms chanted the Te Deum, the Exaudiat, the Domine Salvum fac Eegum, and then, after a salute of fire-arms and cries of Vive le lioi, the column was erected by M. de La Salle, who, standing near it, said : " lu the name of the most high, mighty, invincible, and vic- torious Prince, Louis the Great, by the grace of God, King of France and of l^Tavarre, fonrteenth of that name, I, in virtue of the commission of his majesty, which I hold- in my hand, and which may be seen by all whom it may concern, have taken, and do now take, in the name of his majesty, and of his successors to the crown, possession of this country of Louisiana, the seas, harbors, ports, bays, adjacent straits, and all the nations, peoples, provinces, cities, towns, villages, mines, minerals, fisheries, streams, and rivers comprised in the extent of said Louisiana, from the mouth of the great river St. Lojiis, on the eastern side, otherwise called Ohio, AUighan, Scipo, or Chickagua, and this with the consent of the Chavarons, Chickasaws, and other people dwelling therein, with whom we have made alliance; also along the river Colbert, or Mississippi, and rivers which discharge themselves therein, from its source beyond the country of the Kiows, or Nadouessious, and this with the consent of the Montantees, Illinois, Mesigameas, Katchez, Koroas, which are the most considerable nations dwelling therein, with whom, also, we have made alliance, either by ourselves or others in our behalf, as far as its mouth at the sea, or Gulf of Mexico, about the twenty-seventh degree of the elevation of the north pole, and also to the mouth of the river Palms ; upon the assurance which we have received from all these nations, that we are the first Europeans that have descended or ascended the said river Colbert, hereby protesting against all those who may in future undertake to invade any or all of these countries, peo- ples, or lands above described, to the prejudice of the right of his majesty, acquired by the consent of the nations herein named. Of which, and all that can be needed, I hereby take to witness those who hear me, and demand an act of the notary, as required by law." To which the whole assembly responded with shouts of Vioe le Roi and with salutes of fire-arms. Moreover the said Sieur OUR INDIAN WARDS. de La Salle caused to be buried at the foot of the tree, to which the cross was attached, a leaden plate, on one side of which was engraved the arms of France, with a Latin in- scription. La Salle then remarked that his majesty, as the eldest son of the church, would not annex any country to his crown without making it his chief care to establish the Chris- tian religion therein, and its symbol must now be planted, which was accordingly done at once by erecting a cross, before which the Vesilla and Domine Salouni fac Regum were sung, to all which his associates, thirteen in number, attached the certificate " required by law," one of them acting as notary. And thus the foundation of the claim of France to the Mis- sissippi valley was laid " fairly," according to the usages of European powers. Sparks observes that " there is an obscur- ity in this enunciation of places and Indian nations, which may be ascribed to an ignorance of the geography of the coun- try, but it seems to be the design of Sieur de La Salle to take possession of the whole country watered by the Mississippi, from its mouth to its source, and by the streams flowing intoi it on both sides." As a matter of course, conflicts grew out of these appropriations of the territory of the " Ifew \^orld," some of which were only settled by the force of arms, and ail of which resulted disastrously to the Indians. Anterior to the grant by France to La Salle, James I. of England granted a charter by which the American coast be- tween the thirty -fourth and forty-fifth degrees of north latitude was set apart to be colonized by two rival companies — one com- posed chiefly of adventurers from London ; the other from those residing in the west of England, known as the Plymouth and Bristol company. James' .motive, as alleged in the charter, was the advancement of the divine glory, " by bringing the Indians and savage residents of those parts to human civility and a settled and quiet government." These companies were known as the Loudon and Plymouth companies. The first was designated as the first Virginia colony, and permitted to occupy and plant anywhere between the thirty-fourth and forty-second degrees of north latitude. The Plymouth was designated as the second Virginia colony, and might occupy and plant anywhere between the thirty-eighth and fbrty-fifth 6 OUR INDIAN WARDS. degrees of north latitude, but neither was to occupy any country within a hundred miles of the first settlement pre- viously made by the other. Each colony was to extend along the coast fifty miles either way from the point first occupied, and from the same point inward or seaward one hundred miles. Each company was authorized to search for mines, paying the king for the yield thereof, one-fifth of all gold and silver, and one-fifteenth of all copper. It was"* mnde the especial duty of the councils governing these colonies to pro- vide that " the true word and service of God, according to the ritQS and service of the Church of England, be preached, planted, and used in the colonies, and among the neighbor- ing savages." In process of time, and after many complica- tions, the London, or first Virginia company, obtained a new charter, and was created a corporation, under the title of "The Treasurer and Company of Adventurers and Planters of the City of London, for the first colony of Virginia." In the new charter a distinct and separate grant of territory was provided for. Subsequently the Plymouth company applied for a similar grant, but this was opposed by the London com- pany. After years of solicitation the Plymouth company succeeded in obtaining a new charter, known as the " Great Patent." By this charter all ISTorth America, from the for- tieth to the forty-eighth degree of north latitude, excepting only such places as were then actually possessed by any other Christian prince or people was granted, with exclusive right of jurisdiction, settlement, and traffic, and incorporated as "The Council established at Plymouth, in the county of Devon, for the Planting, Ruling, Ordering, and Governiiifr of New England in America." In the interval between "the granting of the first and second patents to the London and Plymouth companies, disorder was prevalent among the colo- nists, the Indians suftered sadly, and as opportunity offered they retaliated. In the progress of time and growing out of relio-ious dis- sensions in England, a body of men known as the Pilgrims determined to remove, and had actually escaped to Holland where they resided for some years. They did not, however,' like the manners and customs of the Dutch, and determiued OUR INDIAN WAEDS. to emigrate to Virginia, provided they were allowed a settle- ment to themselves, where they could arrange religious matters to suit their own views and ideas. Two of their principal men went to England as agents, and through their efforts the company agreed to give the Pilgrims a grant of land, but •other guarantees were not obtained. After further negotia- tion they decided to emigrate, leaving John Robinson, one of their preachers, at Leyden, with such of his congregation as were not ready to embark, or not thought fit for pioneers. After a fast and religious service, under Brewster, one of the ruling elders, the adventurers took passage on the Speedwell, to Southampton. Here they were joined by Cushmau, in the Mayflower, which was hired for the voyage, to convey the outfit and provisions. They immediately embarked, dis- tributing the passengers between the vessels, but the Speed- well proved unseaworthy and was discharged. Some of her passengers went on board the Mayfiower. About twenty, in- cluding Cushman, unwillingly remained behind. They had a tedious voyage of more than two months, when the ship en- tered Cape Cod harbor. The colonists, finding they were not in the limits of the Virginia company, whose grant they had obtained, thought it fit before lauding, in view of the fact that there were some indications of insubordination, to draw up an agreement for their social government. Before it was exe- cuted they offered up thanksgiving for their preservation on the voyage, and prayers for future guidance. By the agree- ment which they signed, they mutually promised to obey such "just and equal laws and ordinances " as from time to time should be thought necessary and for the common good. The colony consisted of one hundred and one persons. John Carver was chosen to act as governor for one year. It was . the 10th of November, 1620, when the Mayflower entered. Cape Cod harbor. A month intervened before the colonists, disembarked. The interval was occupied in coasting alung the shore. Exploring parties occasionally landed and were sent inland to make explorations. Frequently these parties found deserted Indian wigwams, and at one point a quantity of corn, in baskets, buried in the sand. This was taken pos- session of and served for seed the next spring. Occasionally, 8 OUR I>rDIAN WARBS, Indians were seen, and at one time, probably incensed at the loss of the corn, some of them showed signs of hostilitj', but disappeared without molesting the Pilgrims. The natives in the region of Cape Cod were not without previous experience with the whites. Both French and English adventurers had been there, and their intercourse with the natives was not such as to impress these simple people favorably. A single instance of perfidy, out of many committed by the whites, will satisfy the reader that the Indians had cause to look upon the Europeans with suspicion. It occurred in 1614, and is narrated by Captain John Smith, who, after stating that they spent a long time in trying to catch whales, without success,' and as for finding gold, "it was rather the master's device to get a voyage that projected it." He says that for trifles they got " near 1,100 beaver skins, 100 mai'tin, and many otters, the most of them within the distance of twenty leagues." On his departure for Europe, the captain remarks thus: "The other ship stayed to fit herself for Spain with dried fish, which was sold at Malaga for four rials the quin- tal, each hundred weight two quintals and a half. But one Thomas Hunt, the master of this ship (when I was gone), thinking to prevent that intent I had to make there a plan- tation, thereby to keep this abounding country still in ob- scurity, that only he and some few merchants more might enjoy wholly the benefit of trade and profit of this country, betrayed four and twenty of these poor salvages aboard hia ship, and most dishonestly and inhumanly, for their kind usage of me and all our men, carried them with him to Malaga, and there for a little private gain, sold these silly salvages for rials of eight ; but this vile act kept him ever after from any more employment to those parts." The great event in the history of New England, the landing of the Pilgrims, took place on the 11th December, 1620. On the 7th of December the boat's crew of explorers, who had " gone ranging up and down till the sun began to draw low," hastened out of the woods and returned to their shallop. About midnight some Indians appeared, and the event is thus described in their journal: "About midnight we heard a great and hideous cry, and our sentinel called arm ! arm ! so OUR INDIAN WARDS. 9 we bestirred ourselves and shot off a couple of muskets, and the noise ceased. We concluded that it was a company of wolves and foxes, for one of our company told us that he had heard such a noise in Newfoundland. At five o'clock in the morning (December 8) we began to be stirring. Upon a sud- den we heard a great and strange cry, which we knew to be tlie same voices, though they varied their notes. One of our company being ashore came running and cried, ' They are men ! Indians ! Indians ! ' and withal their arrows came flying among us. Our men ran out with all speed to recover their arms. The cry of our enemies was dreadful, especially when our men ran out to recover their arms. Their note was after this manner, ' Woach, woach, ha ha, hach, woach.' Our men were no sooner come to their arms but the enemy was ready to assault them. There was a- lusty man, and no whit less val- liant, who was thought to be their captain, stood behind a tree within half a musket shot of us, and there let his ari-ows fly at us. He stood three shots of a musket. At length one of us, as he said, taking full aim at him, he gave an ex- traordinary cry and away they all went." It was not known that any blood was shed in this first "battle," but presumed that the lusty man was wounded. The " conquerors " gathered up the trophies of their " victory," in all sixteen arrows, some of which were " headed with bi'ass, some with hart's horn, and others with eagle's claws." These were all sent by the Pilgrims to their friends in England. In speaking of an event that occurred previous to this at- tack, Morton says : " The Indians got all the powaws in the country, who for three days together, in a horrid and devilish manner, did curse and execrate them with their conjurations^ which assembly and service they held in a dark and dismal swamp;" and adds, "Behold how Satan labored to hinder the Gospel from coming into New England." Some time after the landing of the Pilgrims, a Wampanoag Indian, named Samosct, came to Plymouth. He could speak some broken English, having been much among the whites who came to fish at Monhiggon. His first salutation was: "Welcome, Englishmen! Welcome, Englishmen!" He gave the colonists much information. His residence was not 10 OUR INDIAN WARDS. in that region, but some five days' journey therefrom. " He told us (they say) the place where we now live is called Pau- tuxet, and that about four years ago all the inhabitants died of some extraordinary plague, and there is neither man, woman, nor child remaining, as indeed we have found none; so there is none to hinder our possession or lay claim to it." After this singular people had sailed for America, James, their oppressor, had caused a charter to issue to them. Be- fore they left home they had permission from this monarch to go out and settle in the wilderness, and they did not appear to have any scrapie about taking possession of the country where they landed, although it was not within the limits of the Virginia colony. In the charter of James J. to the Pil- grims, which has become known as " The Grand PUmouth Charter," he said, " that he had been given certainly to knowe, that within these late years there hath, by God's visitation, reigned a wonderful! plague, together with many horrible slaughters and murthers, committed amongst the sauages and brutish people there heretofore inhabiting, in a manner to the utter destruction, deuastacion, and depopulacion of that whole territorye, so that there is not left, for many leagues together in a manner, any that do claime or challenge any kind of in- terest therein." Thus assured by the charter of King James, and informed by Samoset that all the inhabitants of the region for " many leagues " had died of a great plague, and that neither man, woman, nor child remained, the good Pilgrims felt that they were providentially seized and possessed of a country wherein they could establish a system of religious worship such as they could not enjoy in their own native land. As the years passed and accessions were made to the English settlements, diffi- culties between the colonists and the natives frequently oc- curred, often resulting in the loss of life on both sides. In commenting upon these Drake says: "These affairs call for no commentary; that must accompany every mind through every step of the relation. It would be a weakness, as ap- pears to us, to attempt a vindication of the rash conduct of the English." When Robinson, one of the fathers of the Plymouth Church, heard how his people (the Pilgrims) OtJR INDIAN "WARDS. 11 had conducted these affairs with the Indiana, he wrote them to consider of the disposition of one of tlieir number (Captain Standish), "who was of a warm temper," but he hoped that the Lord had sent him among them for a good end, if they used him as they should. " He doubted," he said, " whether there was not wanting that tenderness of the life of man, made after God's image," which was so necessary, and above all, that "it would have been happy if they had converted some before they had killed any." In 1637, it was resolved in the Massachusetts colony to raise ji t^ troops to make war on the' Pequod Indians. Previous to this ' period there had been many conflicts with these Indians, in which the colonists were as barbarous in their mode of war- fare as the Indians. Dr. Mather's writings contain such items as the following': " Some of Uucas' men being there at Say- brook, in order to assisting the English against the Pequods, espied seven Indians, and slily encompassing them, slew five of them, and took one prisoner and brought him to the En- glish fort, which gave great satisfaction and encouragement to the English. . . . When the prisoner was executed, his limbs were by violence pulled from one another, and burned to ashes." Again, Dr. M. says, in sailing westward from Say--- brook, "the wind not answering, they cast anchor. Some scattering Pequods were then taken and slaifi, as also the Pequod sachem, before expressed, had his head cut off, whence that place did bear the name of Sachem's Head." The contemplated expedition against the doomed Pequods met with some delay after the troops were raised, and some had gone forward under Underhill to Fort Saybrook. There seemed to be no doubt in the minds of the colonists about the justness of the war, but it was thought the army "was too much a covenant with works." The expedition finally got ready to move, and "by a solemn public invocation of the word of God," a leader was designated by lot from among the magistrates. Stoughton was chosen as such, and a chaplain was also selected. While the Massachusetts party proeras- tinafed, the Connecticut towns had sent forward a force which had been joined by those at Fort Saybrook, and led by Mason and itnderhill, the Pequods were attacked while within their 12 OUR INDIAN WARDS. fort or village, and asleep in their vigwafns, and literally annihilated. " The barking of a dog," says Drake, " was the first notice they had of the approach of the enemy, yet very few knew the cause of the alarm, until met by the naked swords of the foe. The fort had two entrances at opposite points, into which each party of the English were led, sword in hand." Such was the surprise of the Indians "that they made very feeble resistance. Having onlj"^ their own missile weapons, they could do nothing at hand to hand with the English rapiers. They were pursued from wigwam to wig- wam, and slaughtered in every secret place. Women and children were cut to pieces while endeavoring to hide under their beds. At length fire was set in the mats that covered the wigwams, which furiously spread over the whole fort, and the dead and dying were together consumed. A pai't of the English had formed a circumference upon the outside, and shot such as attempted to fly. Many ascended the pickets to escape the flames, but were shot down by those stationed fo/r that purpose. About six hundred Pequods were supposed to__ have perished in this fight, or perhaps I should say massacre. There were but two English killed, and but one of these by the enemy, and about twenty wounded. Sassacus himself was in another fort, and being informed of the ravages of the English, destroyed his habitations, and with about eighty others fled to the Mohawks, who treacherously beheaded him and sent his scalp to the English/' IJnderhill, although en- gaged in the affair, says the colonists, " bereaved of pity, and without compassion, kept up the tight within the fort, while their Indian allies, forming a circle around, struck down every Pequod who attempted to escape." He adds: " G-reat and doleful was the bloody sight to the view of young soldiers, to see so many souls lie gasping on the ground, so thick you could hardly pass along." Morton thus describes the termination of this massacre: "At this time it was a fearful sight to see them thus frying in the fire, and the streams of blood quenching the same and terrible was the stink and scent thereof, but the victory seemed a sweet sacrifice, and they gave the praise thereof to God, who had wrought so wonderfully for them, thus to inclose OUR INDIAN WARDS. 13 their enemies in his hands, and give them so speedy a victory over so j^roud, insulting, and blasphemous an enemy." Dr. Mather, in speaking of the event, says : " It is supposed that no less than five or six hundred Pequod souls were broughty down to hell that day." The colonists believed that they were perfectly justified in this and other like acts against the Indians, and that their success was sufficient evidence that they had the divine ap- proval for the destruction of the " bloody heathen." Under- bill wrote: " We had sufficient light from the word of God for our proceedings;" and Mason, after reciting with exulta- tion some portions of the Psalms, exclaimed: "Thus the Lord was pleased to smite our enemies in the hinder parts, and to give us their land for an inheritance." There were still a few Pequods remaining who were not in the fort. (This fort was situate near the present town of Groton, Connecticut.) / Stoughton, with his forces, appeared about a fortnight after the slaughter, and, joined by Mason, set out to finish up the work. The Indians were hunted from swamp to swamp. At one place about one hundred were captured, twenty-two of whom were men. These were put to death ; thirty women and children were given to the Narragansetts (then the allies of the colonists), and about fifty others sent to Boston, and from thence distributed as slaves to some of the principal col- onists. Quite a number of adult male persons, that had from time to time fallen into the hands of the colonists, were sent to the West Indies and sold into slavery, and the women and children of such were made slaves at home. During Stough- ton's campaign, he wrote the governor of Massachusetts as follows : " By this pinnace you shall receive forty-eight or fifty women and children, unless they stay here to be helpful, etc., concerning which there is one I formei-ly mentioned that is the fairest and largest that I saw among them, to whom I have given a coate to clothe her. It is my desire to have her for a servant, if it may stand with your good likeing, else not. There is a little squaw that steward Calicut desireth, to whom he hath given a coate. Lieut. Davenport also desireth one, to wit, a small one that hath three strokes upon the stomache. He desireth her if it shall stand with your good 14 OUR INDIAN WARDS. likeing." Thus were the Peqnods exterminated. They were regarded by the Puritans as belonging to the " cursed race of Ham ;" fit only to be rooted out and destroyed. The feeling of the colonists toward the Pequods and the barbarous treatment and cruel murder of the entire tribe, discloses the general feeling of the whites toward the Indians at that period. Comparatively ignorant of the views and in- tentions of the Indians, the whites were distrustful, and hence in their intercourse with them they were from the be- ginning exacting aud vindictive. As time advanced, the opinion grew among the colonists that the Indian was a cum- berer of the ground; that he stood in the way of Christian civilization, and that they were justified in destro^'ing him. It is true that there were exceptions among the whites, and a few men, of whom Eliot was a type, believed that the Indian, though a savage, was a man, and these labored among the natives with the spirit of true missionaries. Such men had a heavy burden to carry, but the}' labored incessantly to reclaim the savage and teach him the Christian faith. Under the teachings of these devoted men, there were by the beginning of what is known as King Philip's War about ten to twelve hundred converts, who were known as the " Preying Indians." Eliot, who managed the missionary funds, was admonished by the Puritans that they feared lest the converts " should only follow Christ for loaves and outward advantage." It was only by constant effort and importunity that he was en- abled to overcome this suspicious fear, and obtain liberty from the colonists to organize a church at his Indian town. He, how- ever, received but little aid for this enterprise from the colo- nists, and was compelled to rely mainly on contributions from friends in England to support it. When it is remem- bered that in the grants from European powers to their sub- jects who came out to plant colonics in jSTorth America, one avowed purpose was to propagate the gospel among the heathen, and that the New England colonists felt that the duty of laboring to convert the natives was obligatory on them, what actually occurred seems more like fiction than truth. The conduct of the colonists toward the natives was such as to precipitate conflicts, and hence the respect, and OLE INDIAN WAEDS. 15 even veneration, manifested by the natives on the landing of the wliites was rapidly transformed into distrust, hatred, and revenge. The extension of the settlements, and the traffic which followed, put fire-arms into the hands of the Indians, and thus they were enabled to resist oppression with fearful effect. The colonial records, and the journals of many of the actors, burden, our early annals with sad chapters, whicii, when read, fill the heart with sorrow and pain. In the confiicts which in the progress of time grew up be- tween European powers, touching their territorial rights in the new country, the savages were enlisted and took up arms, and in our colonial disturbances, and in the Revolutionary War, the Indians were involved in like manner. Thus their thirst for war was cultivated, and the eiForts of devoted men, who from time to time appeared among them as missionaries, were rendered almost fruitless. In the conflicts which prevailed between the natives and the frontier settlers, growing out of the aggressions of the lat- ter upon the hunting grounds of the former, human life was most fearfully sacrificed. These conflicts produced a most bitter state of feeling on both sides. The Indians regarded the white man with abhorrence. They believed tliat his de- sign was not only to despoil them of their lauds, but to de- stroy them as a people ; and the whites regarded the Indian as an irreclaimable savage, who, without remorse and in the most barbarous manner, killed the innocent and unofiiending settlers without regard to age or sex. The cruel wrongs in- flicted on the Indians were never forgotten, but transmitted from parent to child, and to be avenged when opportunity offered. And the injuries sustained by the whites at the hands of the Indians inflamed the friends and relatives of those who suffered, and they in turn inflicted punishment on the savages wherever possible. Thus began an irrepressible conflict, which, in some form, has continued from generation to gen- eration, even until the present time. 16 OUR INDIAN" WARDS. CHAPTER II. The iNTERCotrrsE and dealings of William Penn with the Indians. — The IMPBKSSION MADE UPON THEM. — PeNn's DESCRIPTION OP THE INDIANS AS HE FOUND THEM. The dealings between "William Peiin and the Indians are an exception to the general statement in the preceding chap- ter, standing out isolated and alone in our early history. That great man resolved that in the management of his affairs with the natives in the Province of Pennsylvania, which he held by a royal charter, strict justice should at all times govern his conduct. He was, by his charter, made true and absolute lord of the province. He had authority to raise troops, make war, pursue his enemies by land and sea, and, " by Grod's assistance, to vanquish and take them." He sent over a col- ony in 1681, to take possession of the province, and followed himself in 1682. His first care was to establish friendly rela- tions with the Indians. In this regard, he dealt justly and with great kindness. He did not ignore the rights of the na- tives, and rely upon his grant, sweeping as it was, for a perfect title to the country, but purchased it from the Indians, and paid them for it. In a treaty made under the " Old Elm Tree," on the banks of the Delaware, he established such re- lations, and thereafter lived up to them in such good' faith, as preserved peaceful and friendly intercourse for more than half a century. During all this time, there was not a fort built or a hostile gun fired. In commenting on this treaty, Voltaire said it was the only one made without an oath, and the only one that had not been broken. Penn's conduct toward the natives was such as to give him an affectionate remembrance among all the Indian nations. Many, to this day, refer to it. He did more than satisfy the Indians for their lands. He paid for some of them twice. At a conference held at Lancaster, Pennsylvania, in^ 1744, upward of sixty years after Penn's treaty with the In- OUR INDIAN WARD3. 17 dians on the Delaware, one of the chiefs of the Six ligations said : " When our brother Onas (the name given to Penn by his red brothers), a great while ago, came to Albany to buy the Susquehannab lands from us, our brother, the governor of-* Kew York, who, as we supposed, had not a good understand- ing with our brother Onas, advised us not to sell him any land, for he would make a bad use of it ; and, pretending tO' be our friend, he advised us, in order to prevent Onas, or any other persons, imposing on us, and that we might always have our land when we wanted it, to put it into his hands ; and he told us he would keep it for our use, and never open his hands, but keep them close shut, and not pai't with it, but at our request. Accordingly, we trusted him, and put our lands into his hands, and charged him to keep them safe ibr our use. But, some time after, he went to England and carried our land with him, and there sold it to our bi'other Onas for a large sum of money. And when, at the instance of our brother Onas, we were minded to sell him some lands, he told us we had sold the Susquehannab lands already to the gov- ernor of New York, and that he had bought them from him in England; though, when he came to understand how th& governor of New York had deceived us, he very generously^ paid us for our lands over again." Red Jacket, a Seneca chief, was one of a delegation of New York Indians that visited Philadelphia in 1792. These were received and welcomed by the governor of Pennsylvania, and addressed by him at the council chamber. There was sus- pended on the wall a fine picture of "William Penn, and to it the governor referred in his speech in an appropriate manner. This delegation was some time in the city, and, some days after the reception, there was a second interview, at which several of the chiefs spoke in response to the speech of wel- come, lied Jacket spoke as follows : " Brother Onas, governor (the Indians continued this name, and applied it to Penn's successors), open unprejudiced ears to what we have to say. Some days since, you addressed us, and what you said gave us great pleasure. This day, th& 2 18 OUR INDIAN WARDS. Great Spirit lias allowed us to meet you again in this council chamber. "We hope that your not receiving an immediate answer to your address will make no improper impression on your mind. We mention this, lest you might suspect that your kind welcome and friendly address has not had a proper effect upon our hearts. We assure you it is far otherwise. In your address to us the other day, in this ancient council chamber, where our fathers have often conversed together, several things struck our attention very forcibly. When you told us this was the place iu which our fathers often met on peaceable terms, it gave us sensible pleasure, and more joy than we could express. Though we have no writings, like you, yet we remember often to have heard of the friendship that existed between our fathers and yours. The picture to which you have drawn our attention (the portrait of Penn) brought fresh to our minds the friendly conferences that used to be held between the former governors of Pennsylvania and our tribes, and showed the love which your forefathers had for peace, and the friendly disposition of our people. It is still our wish, as well as yours, to preserve peace between our tribes and you, and it would be well if the same spirit existed among the Indians to the westward. Your disposition is that for which the ancient Onas governors were remarkable. As you love peace, so do we also ; and we wish that it could be extended to the most distant part of this great country. We agreed in council, this morning, that the sentiments I have expressed should be communicated to you before the delegates of the Five Nations, and to tell you that our cordial welcome to this city, and the good sentiments contained in your address, have made a deep impression on our hearts, and given us great joy; and from the heart I tell you so. This is all I have to say." This speech was made one hundred and ten years after the date of Penn's treaty, and though the Indians "have no writings" by which events are recorded, and thus kept fresh in the minds of those who succeed the actors in them. Red Jacket showed that he was not ignorant of what transpired in 1682, between William Penn and the Leuni Lenapes and other Indians, on the banks of the Delaware, more than one OUR INDIAN WARDS. 19 liundred years previous. Some twenty-five years since, a venerable chief of the Delawares, Capt. Ketchem, in a con- versation with the author in the (then) country of those In- ■dians, in relation to the events of the past, said : " "W"e have no books like our white brothers in which to record these things, but they are written on our hearts, and are trans- mitted to our children, and by them to theirs, and thus they are preserved." In the same conversation the old chief re- ferred to Penn's council on the Delaware, and to the treaty made with his ancestors by the United States, at Fort Pit^ when the "thirteen fires (the United Spates) were young"" (1778), and the pledge of the Indians to aid and assist by sup- plies and warriors in the "revolutionary war. At the close of a very interesting and earnest conversation, the venerable man said with deep feeling: " When you return to Washing- ton, say to our Great Father, that we desire him and his white children so to act toward us red men, who are also his children, that when all have done acting here (pointing to the ■earth), we shall meet up yonder" (pointing to the heavens). Having referred to the dealings of William Penn with the Indians in the province of Pennsylvania, and the harmony that existed between him and his successors and them for Tnore than half a century, it seems appropriate in this con- nection to embody the principles which governed him in his intercourse with the natives, as well as his opinion of them. Having obtained his grant from the king, he appointed his relative, William Markham, temporary deputy governor, and the latter, in the fall of 1681, set sail with three ships loaded with colonists and supplies for Pennsylvania. Penn did not come over until the following year. He designed Markham for his secretary when he himself should visit the country. From the colonists he selected judicious commissioners, who had instructions to form a league with the Indians on their arrival. They were directed to be just and candid with the' natives, and they were intrusted with an open letter ad-' ■dressed to the Indians, of which the following is a copy : " London, ISlh of &h mo., 1681. " My Fkibnds : — There is a great God and power that hath made the world and all things therein, to whom you, and I, 20 OTJR INDIAN WARDS. and all people, owe their living and well-being, and to whom- you and I must one day give an account for all that we do in the world. This great God hath written his law on our hearts, by which we are taught to love and help one another. Now this great God hath been pleased to make me concerned in your part of the world; and the king of the country where I live hath been pleased to give me a great province therein, but I desire to enjoy it with your love and consent, that we may always live together as brothers and friends, else, what would the great God do to us, who hath made us, not to de- vour and destroy one another, but to live soberly and kindly in the world. Now I would have you well observe that I am very sensible of the unkindness and' injustice that hath been too much exercised toward you by the people of these parts, who have sought themselves, and to make great advantages of you, rather than to be examples of goodness and patience unto you, and caused your grudging and animosity, some- times to the shedding of blood, which has made the great God angry. But I am not such a man, as is well known in my own country. I have great love and regard for you, and desire to win and gain your love and friendship by a kind, just, and peaceable life, and the people I send to you are of the same mind, and shall, in all things, behave themselves accordingly; and if in anything, any shall offend you, or- your people, you shall have a speedy satisfaction for the same by an equal number of just men on both sides, that by no means you shall have just cause of being against them. I shall shortly come to you myself, at which time we may more fully confer together and discourse this matter; in the mean- time I have sent my commissioners to treat with you about land, and to form with you a firm league of peace; let me desire you -to be kind to them and their people, and to receive these presents and tokens which I have sent you as a token of my good will to you, and my resolution to live justly, peace- ably, and friendly with you. " I am your loving friend, " William Pbnn." During the fall of 1681, iu writing to a particular friend in England, in relation to his enterprise, Penn said : " For my OUR INDIAN WARDS, 21 <50untry (Pennsylvania), I eyed the Lord in obtaining it, and more was I drawn inward to look to him, and to it more to his hand and power, than to any other way. I have so obtained it and desire so to keep it, that I may not be unworthy of his blessing; but do that which may answer. his kind providence, and serve his truth and people, that an example may be set up to the nations ; there may be some there, though not here? for snch a holy experiment." Penn arrived in his colony in July, 1682, and took legal possession and assumed authority and jurisdiction as governor of the same. He immediately convened an assembly, at which certain laws and regulations, agreed upon in England, with some additional ones for the government of the colony, were adopted and promulgated. Among these were the following : " Inasmuch as it is usual with planters to overreach the poor natives of the country in trade, by goods not being good of the kind, or debased with mixtures, with which they are seusibly aggrieved, it is agreed that whatever is sold to the Indians, in consideration of their furs, be sold in the market place, and there suffer the test, whether good or bad ; if good, to pass ; if bad, not to be sold for good, that the Indians may not be provoked nor abused. " That no man shall, by any ways or means, in word or ■deed, affront or wrong any Indian, but he shall incur the same penalty of the law as if he had committed a wrong against his fellow-planter; and if any Indian shall abuse, in word or deed, any planter of this province, that he shall not be his own judge upon the Indians, but he shall make his complaint to the governor of the province, his lieutenant or -deputy, or some inferior magistrate near him, who shall, to the utmost of his power, take care, with the king of the said Indians, that all reasonable satisfaction be made to the said injured planter. . > " That all differences between the planters and the natives shall also be ended by twelve men, that is, by six planters and six natives ; that so we may live friendly together, as much as in us lieth, preventing all occasions of heart-burnings and anischiefs. "That the Indians shall have liberty to do all things relat- 22 OUR INDIAN -VTARDS. ing to improvements of their grounds, and providing suste- nance for their families, that any of the planters may enjoy." When the time had arrived at which Penn and the Indians had agreed to meet personally, to confirm the treaty of peace, and the purchase of the land which his commissioners had bar- gained for, and the transaction was now to be publicly ratified, "he proceeded, accompanied by his friends of both sexes, to- Coaquannuck, the Indian name of the place where Philadel- phia now stands. On his arrival he found the chiefs and their people there assembled. They were seen in the woods as far as the eye could reach, and looked frightful, both on account of their number and their arms. The Quakers are reported to have been but as a handful in comparison, and these with- out any weapons, so that dismay and terror had come upon them, had they not confided in the justice of their cause. In relation to this event, Chalkley, in his life of Penn, says : " It is much to be regretted, when we have accounts of minor treaties between William Penn and the Indians, that in no history can be found an account of this, though so many make mention of it, and though all concur in considering it the most glorious in the annals of the world. " There are, however, relations in Indian speeches, and traditions in Quaker families, descended from those who were present on the occasion, from which we may learn something about it. It appears that though the parties were to assemble at Coaquannuck, the treaty was made a little higher up, at Schackamaxon. Upon this Kensington now stands, the houses of which may be considered in Philadel- phia. William Penn appeared in his usual clothes. He had no crown, scepter, mace, sword, halberd, nor any insignia of office. He was distinguished only by wearing a sky-blue sash around his waist, which was of silk net-work, and. which was of no longer apparent dimensions than an officer's^ military sack, and much like it in color. On his right was Colonel Markham, his relation and secretary, and on his left Friend Pearson. After followed a train of Quakers. Before him was carried various articles of merchandise, which, when- they came near the sachems, were spread upon the ground. He held a roll of parchment containing a confirmation of the: OUR INDIAN WARDS. 23 treaty of purchase .and amity in his hand. One of the sachems, who was the chief of them, then put upon his own head a kind of chaplet, in which appeared a small horn. This, as among the primitive eastern nations, and according to scripture language, was an emblem of kingly power, and whenever the chief who had a right to wear it put it on, it^ was understood that the place was made sacred, and the persons of all present inviolable. Upon putting on this horn the Indians threw down their bows and arrows, and seated themselves around the chiefs, in the form of a half moon, upon the ground. The chief sachem then announced to William Penn, by means of an interpreter, that the Indiana were ready to hear him. Having been called upon, Penn began thus : " The great God who made him and them, who ruled in heaven and earth, and who knew the inmost thoughts of men, knew that him and his friends had a hearty desire to live in peace with them, and to serve them to the utmost of their power. It was not their custom to use hostile weapons against their fellow-creatures ; for which reason they came unarmed. Their object was not to do injury, and thus pro- voke the Great Spirit, but to do good. They were then met on the broad pathway of good faith and good- will ; so that no advantage v^as to be taken on either side, but all was to be openness, brotherhood, and love." After these and other words, he unrolled the parchment,, and by means of the same interpreter, conveyed to them, article by article, the conditions of the purchase, and the words of the compact there made for their perpetual union. Among other things, even in the territory they had alienated, they were not to be molested in their lawful pursuits, for it was to be common to them and the English. They were to have the same liberty to do all things therein, relating to the improvement of their grounds, and providing sustenance for their families, which the English had. If any disputes should arise between them, they should be settled by twelve persons, half of whom should be English and half Indians. " He then paid them for their land, and made them many presents beside, from the merchandise which had been spread 24 OUR INDIAN WARDS. before them. Having done this, he spread the roll of parch- ment on the ground, observing again that the ground should be common to both people. He added, that he would not do as the Marylanders did,tliat is, call them children, or brothers only, for often parents were apt to whip their children too severel}', and brothers sometimes would differ ; neither would he compare the friendship between them to a chain, for the rain might rust it, or a tree might fall and break it ; but he should consider them as the same flesh and blood with the Christians, and the same as if one man were to be divided into two parts. He took up the parchment and presented it to the sachem who wore the horn and chaplet, and desired him and the other sachems to preserve it carefully for three generations, that their children might know what had passed between them, just as if he remained with them to repeat it. " That "William Peim must have done and said a great deal more on this interesting occasion than has now been repeated, there can be no doubt. What I have advanced (continues Chalkley) may be relied upon, but I am not warranted in going further. It is also to be regretted that the speeches of the chiefs on this memorable day have not come down to us. It is only known that they solemnly pledged themselves, ac- cording to their country manners, to live in love with Penn and his children as long as the sun and the moon shall en- dure." In commenting on this transaction. Abbe Reynol says : " Penn thought it right to obtain an additional right, by fair and open purchase from the aborigines, and thus to sig- nalize his arrival by an act of equity which made his person and principles equally beloved. Here it is that the mind rests with pleasure upon modern history, and feels some kind of •compensation for the disgust, melancholy, and horror which the whole of it, but particularly that part which relates to the European settlements in America, inspires." Xoble says, " Penn occupied his domain by actual bargain and sale with the Indians. This act does him infinite honor as no blood was shed, and the Christians and barbarians met as brothers. Penn has thus taught us to respect the lives and property of the most ignorant nations." OUR INDIAN WARDS. 25 Proud, in his history of Pennsylvaaia, says that " Penn, being now returned from Maryland to Coaquannuck, pur- chased land from the Indians, whom he treated with great justice and sincere kindness. It was at this time, when he first entered into that personal friendship with them, which ever afterward continued between them, and which, for the space of more that seventy years, was never interrupted, or so long as the Quakers retained power in Pennsylvania. His con- •duct in general toTKe people, was in engaging his justice in particular so conspicuous, and the counsel and advice he gave them were so evidently for their advantage, that he became thereby very much endeared to them, and the sense thereof made such deep impressions on their minds, that his name and memory will scarcely be effaced while they continue a people." The great Elm Tree, under which the Penn treaty was con- firmed, became historic. During our revolutionary war, when the British forces under General Simcoe were quartered ^t Kensington, and his troops were cutting down the trees in the neighborhood for firewood, he guarded it with sentinels, with orders not to permit a branch to be cut from it. This tree, in 1811, yielded to a storm and was blown down, when the wood was used for cups and" various other articles, to be preserved as memorials. The habits, manners, and customs of the Indians, in their wild state, at the time Penn came among them, he has trans- mitted to us, and they are but little difterent from such as attach to the uncivilized Indians of a later date. He says : " The natives I shall consider in their persons, manners, lan- guage, religion, and government, with my sense of the orig- inal. For their persons, they are generally tall, straight, well built, and of singular proportions. They tread strong and clever, and mostly walk with a lofty chin; of complexion dark, but by design, as the gypsies in"lEngland. They grease themselves with bear's oil clarified; and using no defense against sun or weather, their skins must needs be swarthy. Their eye is little and black, not unlike a straight Jew ; the thick lip and flat nose, so frequent with the East Indian and the blacks are not common to them, for I have seen as comely, 26 OUE INDIAN WARDS. European -like faces among them, of both sexes, as on the other side of the sea; and truly an Italian-like complexion hath not much more of the white, and the nose of many of them hath much of the Roman. "Their language is lofty, yet narrow; but like the He- brew, in signification — full, like shorthand in writing, one word serveth in the place of three, and the rest are supplied by the understanding of the hearer; imperfect in their tenses, wanting in their moods, participles, adverbs, conjunctions. I have made it my business to understand the language, that I might not want an interpreter on any business, and I. must say that I know not a language spoken in Europe, that hath words of more sweetness or greatness, in accent and empha- sis, than theirs; for instances, Oc-to-co-chau, Kan-co-cas^ Oric-tou, Schack, Po-ques-com, all which are names of places, and have grandeur in them. Of words of sweetness, Anna, is mother ; Inemas, is brother ; Nitcap, is friend ; TJr-gue-vut, is very good; Pa-nee, is, bread; Met-sa, eat; Mettah-ne- hattah, to have; Paya-ta-camis, Sas-pas-sin, Pas-se-gan, the names of places. Tar-mla-nee, Se-ca-nee, Ma-nau-see, Sa-ca- torious, are the names of persons. " If one ask them for any thing they have not, they will answer, Mettah-ne-Hattah, which to translate, means is not I have, instead of I have not. "Of their manners and customs there is much to be said. I will begin with children. So soon as they are born they wash them in water, and while very young, and in cold water to choose, they plunge them in the river, to harden and em- bolden them. Having wrapped them in a cloth, they lay them on a straight thin board, a little more than the length and breadth of the child, and swaddle it first upon the board to make it straight — wherefore all Indians have flat heads and thus they carry them at their backs. The children go very young, at nine months old, commonly; they use only a small cloth round their waist till they are large ; if boys they go a fishing till ripe for the woods, which is about fifteen • then they hunt, and after giving some proofs of their man- hood, by a good return of skins, they may marry, else it is a shame to think of a wife. The girls stay with their mothers. OUR INDIAN WARDS. 27 and help to hoe the ground, plant corn, and carry burdens ; and they do well to use them young, which they must do when they are old, for the wives are the true servants of the husbands, otherwise the men are very affectionate to them. " When the young women are fit for marriage, they wear something on their heads for an advertisement, but so as their faces are hardly seen but when they please. The age they marry at, if women, is about thirteen or fourteen ; if boys,, seventeen or eighteen ; they are seldom older. " Their houses are mats or barks of trees, set on poles, in the fashion of English barns, out of the power of the winds, for they are hardly higher than a man ; they lie on reeds or grass ; in traveling they lie in the woods, about a great tire, with the mantle of duffles they wear by day wrapped about them, and a few boughs stuck around them. " Their diet is maize or Indian corn, divers ways prepared ; sometimes roasted in the ear in ashes, sometimes beaten and boiled with water, which they call hominy ; they also make cakes, not unpleasant to eat; they have likewise several sorts of beans and peas that are good nourishment, and the woods and rivers are their larder. " If a European comes to see them, or calls for lodging at their house or wigwam, they give him the best place, and the first cut. If they come to visit us, they salute us with an 'Itah,' which is as much as to say, good he to you, and set them down, which is generally on the ground; it may be they speak not a word, but observe all that is passing. If you give them any thing to eat or drink, well, for they will not ask ; and be it little or much, if it be with kindness, they are well pleased, else they go away sullen, but say nothing. " They are great concealers of their own resentment, brought to it, I believe, by the revenge that hath been practiced among them ; in either of these they are not exceeded by the Italians. " But in liberality they excel ; nothing is too good to set for a friend ; give them a fine gun, coat, or other thing, it may pass twenty hands before it sticks; light of heart, strong affections, but soon spent. The most merry creatures that live; they feast and dance perpetually, almost; they never have much, nor want much ; wealth circulateth like the blood ; 28 OUR INDIAN WARDS. all parties partake, and none shall want what another party- hath, yet exact observers of property. Some kings sold, oth- ers presented me with several tracts of land ; the pay or pres- ents I presented them were not hoarded by the particular owners, but the neighboring kings and their class being pres- ent when the goods were brought out, the parties chiefly con- sulted what and to whom they should give them. To every king, then, by the hands of a person for that work appointed, is a portion sent, so sorted and folded, and with that gravity which is admirable. Then the kings subdivide it in like man- ner among their subjects, they hardly leaving themselves an equal share with one of their subjects, and be it on such occa- sions as festivals, or at their common meals, the kings dis- tribute, and to themselves last. They care for little, because they want but little, and the reason is, a little contents them ; in this, they sufiiciently revenge on us ; if they 4re ignorant of our pleasures, they are free from our pains. " They are not disquieted with bills of lading and exchange, nor perplexed with chancery suits and exchequer reckonings. We sweat and toil to live ; their pleasure feeds them. I mean their hunting, fishing, and fowling, and this table is spread anywhere; they eat twice a day, morning and evening; their table and seats are the ground. Since Europeans came into these parts, they are grown great lovers of strong drink, rum especially, and for it exchange the richest of their skins and furs. If they are heated with liquor, they are restless till tliey have enough to sleep ; that is their cry, some more, and I will go to sleep ; but when drunk, one of the most wretched ■spectacles in the world. " In sickness, impatient to be cured, and for it give any thing, especially for their children, to whom they are ex- tremely natural. They drink at those times a teran, or con- coction of roots in spring water, and if they eat any flesh, it must be the female of any creature. If they die, they bury them with their apparel, be they men or women, and the nearest of kin fling in something precious with them, as a token of their love ; their mourning is blacking of their faces which they continue for a year ; they are choice of the graves of their dead, least they should be lost by time, and fall to OUR INDIAN WARDS. 29' common use ; they pick off the grass that grows upon them, and heap up the fallen earth with-great care and exactness. "These poor people are under a dark night in things re- lating to religion ; to he sure, the traditions of it they have only ; yet they believe in a God and immortality, without the help of metaphysics ; for, say they, there is a great King that made them, and that the souls of the good shall go thither, where they shall live again. Their worship consists of two parts — sacrifice and cantico ; their sacrifice is their first frnits ; the first and the fattest buck they kill goeth to the fire, where lie is burnt, with the mournful ditty of him that performetli the ceremony, but with such marvelous fervency and labor of body, that they will even sweat to a foam. The other part is their cantico, performed by round dances, sometimes words,, sometimes songs, then shouts; two being in the middle, that begin, and by singing and drumming on a board, direct the- chorus. Their postures in the dance are very antique and differing, but all keep measure. This is done with equal earnestness and labor, but great appearances of joy. In the- fall, when the corn cometh in, they begin to feast one another. There have been two great festivals already, to which all come that would ; I was at one myself. Their entertainment was a great seat by a spring, under some shady trees, and twenty- five bucks, with hot cakes of new corn, both wheat and beans, which they make up in square form, in the leaves of the stem, and bake them in the ashes ; and after that they fall to dancing. But they that go must carry a small present,, in their money ; it may be sixpence, which is made of the bone of a fish ; the black is with them as gold, the white sil- ver ; they call it all wampum. " Their government is by kings, which they call sachema, and those reign by succession, but always of the mother's side; for instance, the children of him who is now king will not succeed, but his brother, by the mother, or the children of his sister, whose sons (and after them the children of her daughter,) will reign, for no woman inherits. The reasoii they render for this way of descent is that their issue may not be spurious. " Every king hath his council, and that consists of all the- 30 OUE INDIAN WARDS. old and wise men of his nation, which number, perhaps, two hundred people; nothing of moment is undertaken, be it war or peace, selling of land or traffic, without advising with them, and, which is more, with the young men too. It is admirable to consider how powerful the kings are, and yet how they move by the breath of their people. I have had occasion to be in council with them upon treaties for land, and to adjust the terms of trade; their order is this: The king sits in the middle of a half moon, and his council, the old and wise on each hand; behind them, at a little distance, sit the younger part, in the same figures. Having consulted and resolved their business, the king ordered one of them to speak to me ; he stood up, came to me, and in the name of the king saluted me, then took me by the hand and told me that ho was ordered by his king to speak to me, and now it was not he but the king that spoke, because what he should say was the king's mind. He first prayed me to excuse them that they had not complied with me the last time; he feared there might be some fault in the interpreter, being neither Indian nor English; beside, it was the Indian custom to de- liberate, and take up much time in council, before they re- solved, and that if the young people and owners of the land had been as read}' as he, I had not met with so much delay. Having thus introduced his matter, he fell to the bounds of the land they had agreed to dispose of, and the price which is little and dear, that which would have bought twenty miles, not buying now two. During the time that this person spoke, not a man of them was observed to whisper or smile ; the old were grave, the young reverend in their deportment; they speak little, but fervently, and with elegance. I have never seen more natural sagacity, considering them without (I was going to say) the spoil of tradition ; and he will deserve the name of 'man' that outwits them in a treaty about a thing which they understand. When the purchase was agreed on, great promises were made, on both sides, of kindness and good neighborhood, and that the English and the Indians must live in love, as long as the sun gave light; which done another made a speech to the Indians, in the name of all the sachamahens or kings; first, to tell them what was doue; OUR INDIAN WARDS. 3J next, to charge and command them to love the Christians, and particularly to live in peace with me ; that many gov- ernors had been in the river, but that no governor had come himself to live and stay here before; and having now such a one that treated them so well, they should never do him or his people any wrong. At every sentence of which they shouted and said, ' Amen,' in their way. " The justice they have is pecuniary. In case of any wrong or evil fact — be it murder itself — they atone by feasts and presents of their wampum, which is proportioned to the of- fense or person injured, or of the sex they are of; for, in case they kill a woman, they pay double, and the reason they ren- der is that she can raise children, which men can not do. It is rare that they fall out, if sober ; and, if drunk, forgive it, saying it was the drink and not the man that abused them. " We have agreed that, in all differences between us, six of each side shall settle the matter. Do not abuse them, but let them have justice, and you win them. The worst is that the}' are the worse for the Christians, who have propagated their views, and yielded them tradition for ill and not for good things. But, as low an ebb as these people are at, and as inglorious as their own condition looks, the Christians have not outlived their right, with all the pretensions to a higher manifestation. What good, then, might not a good people ingraft, where there is so distinct a knowledge left between good and evil? "I beseech God to incline the hearts of all who come into these parts to outlive the knowledge of the natives by fixed obedience to the greater knowledge of the will of God ; for it were miserable, indeed, for us to fall under the just censure of the poor Indians' consciences, while we make professions of things so far transcending. " For the original, I am ready to believe them of the Jewish race ; I mean of the stock of the ten tribe? — and that for the following reasons: First. They were to go to a land not planted or known, which, to be sure, Asia and Africa were, if not Europe ; and he that intended that extraordinary judg- ment upon them, might make the passage not uneasy to them, as it is not impossible in itself, from the easterraost part of 32 OUR INDIAN WARDS. Asia to the westermost part of America. In the next place^ I find them of like countenance, and their children of so lively resemblance that a man would think himself in Duke's place or Berry street, in London, when he seeth them. But this is not all. They agree in rites; they reckon by moons ; they offer their first fruits; they have a kind of feast of tabernacles ; they are said to lay their altar upon twelve stones; their mourning a year; customs of women; with, many other things that do not now occur." OUR INDIAN WARDS. 33 CHAPTER III. Events immediately preceding and following the treaty op Paris, iif 1763. — Cessions by France and Spain of their bights to territory EAST OF THE MISSISSIPPI. — CONSPIRACY OF PoNTIAC. — TroOPS RAISED IN Pennsyltasia and Virginia. — Bounty for Indian scalps. — Whites OCCUPY the Ohio valley. — Enter Kentucky and the Northwest Territory. — Rupture between Great Britain and her colonies. — Beginning of the Revolutionary war, etc. As the colonies grew in numbers and increased in popula- tion, complications and wars witli the Indian tribes increased. The peaceful relations existing in the Province of Pennsylva- nia between the races, from 1682 to about 1740, are an exce£;_ tion. In all the other provinces or colonies the Indian was regarded as an undesirable neighbor. His lands were coveted and wrested from him. To trace in the briefest detail the various conflicts that arose between the whites and Indians, from the time of the landing of the Pilgrims to our Revolu- tionary era, would fill a massive volume. It is not deemed necessary that these early annals be reproduced in order to a proper understanding of the Indian question. "We shall not go further back than the end of the struggle in which the French and English were engaged in war in re- lation to their territorial possessions in America. We should not go back thus far, were it not to allude to a remarkable character that appeared among the Indians at that time, and made a masterly eflEbrt in their behalf. By the treaty of Paris, concluded February l OfVJ QS, the war between France and England terminated, and France re- nounced all pretensions to the possessions she had claimed east of the Mississippi, and made over the same to Great Brit- ain. About the same time Spain ceded Florida to England, and thus the latter was vested with the ownership and sov- ereignty, so far as that depended on the consent of her rivals,, of the entire eastern half of North America. In all the 3 34 OUR INDIAN WARDS. years in which controversies and conflicts existed between European powers, touching their territorial riglita on this con- tinent, the Indians were involved, their natural love of war cultivated, and, as a consequence, they were demoralized. The few who sought their reclamation and civilization were powerless. U^ Q^^*^) After the fall of Fort Du Quesne, in 17595" settl&rs from Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia began to press across the mountains to possess themselves of the lands on the east- ern or southern shore of the Ohio river and the valleys bordering on its tributaries, many looking ultimately to a home in Kentucky or in the " Territory northwest of the river Ohio." With the reverses of the French, the Iroquois went over to the side of the English, while numerous tribes in the west, who had fought on the side of the French, re- tired into the forest and remained on their hunting grounds. Hence, the settlers referred to were emboldened to go out and found new homes. There were many adverse claims to the lands, by companies holding under grants from the ci-own, or claiming on contracts of various kinds, and there were soldiers' claims under the proclamation of Dinwiddle, gov- ernor of the colony of Virginia. Notwithstanding these facts, thousands were preparing and in motion to go out and possess the country, taking no notice of the rights of the In- dians inhabiting it. At the same period there was an in- cipient movement among the various western tribes, who, in the war, had followed the fortunes of France, to recover the possessions which England had worhfrom her. This was called the '^ Conspiracy of Povtiac." This rhan was an Ottawa chief, and one of the most remarkable men that appeared in his time. By his skill, ability, and strategy, he had pre- arranged a combined movement upon the military and trading posts at Detroit, Michilimackinac, Lebeuf, Presque Isle, San- dusky, Miami, St. Joseph, Green Bay, Niagara, Fort Pitt, and other frontier posts, and had enlisted in the enterprise tlio Miamis, Ottawas, Chippewas, Wyand«ts,Pottawatomies,^Del- awares, Shavvnees, and other tribes. The attack was to be made about the last of May, 1763. Each tribe was to sur- prise the garrison or post in its ow^ locality, slaughter the OUR INDIAN" WARDS, 35 soldiers and other inmates, and then all were unitedly to turn upon the frontier settlements. The messengers of Pontiac bore from him to the different tribes the following speech : "Why, says the Great Spirit, do you suffer these dogs in red clothing to enter your country and take the land I have given you? Drive them from it ! Drive them ! When you are in distress I will help you." In the language of the author of the Annals qf^_the West: " This voice was heard, but not by the whites. The unsus- pecting traders journeyed from village to village; the sol- diers in the forts shrunk from 'the sun of early summer, and dozed away the day ; -the frontier settler, singing in fancied security, sowed his crop, or, watching the sun set through the girdled trees, mused upon one more peaceful harvest, and told his children of the horrors of the ten years' war, how, thank God, over. From the Alleghanies to the Mississippi the trees had leaved, and all was calm, life, and joy. But through that great country, the bands of sullen.red men were journey- ing from the central valleys to the lakes and eastern hills. Bands of Chippewas gathered about Michilimackinac. Ot- tawas tilled the woods near Detroit. The Maumee post, Presque Isle, Niagara, Pitt, Legonier, and every English fort was hemmed in by mingled tribes, who felt that the great battle drew nigh which was to determine their fate, and the possession of their noble lands. At last the day came. The traders every-where were seized, their goods taken from them, and more than one hundred of them put to death. Nine British forts yielded instantly, and the savages drank the blood of many a Briton. The border streams of Pennsyl- vania and Virginia ran red again. We hear, says a letter from Fort Pitt, ' of scalping every hour,' In western Vir- ginia and Pennsylvania more than twenty thousand people were driven from their homes. . . . Fort Pitt, Niagara, and Detroit were attacked, but not taken. [These were reg- ular fortified forts. Pontiac commanded in person at Detroit, and would undoubtedly have taken it, but the plot was com- municated to the commander in advance by an Indian girl, and hence he was prepared to defend his position. Pontiac, however, environed the fort for several months, keeping the 36 OUR INDIAN WARDS. troops within the fortifications, and only abandoned the siege when advised that heavy reinforcements were near at hand for its relief.] Pontiac resided near Detroit. He was one of those heroic men who stamp their character on their country and their age. No American savage has shown a more marked character, in forming great and comprehensive plana, or in executing them with energy and boldness." In Tuttie's Border Wars, he says that " although the In- dians of the Northwest were poorly qualified to engage in a war with the English, they had good reasons for commencing it. A defeat could not be much worse than the insults to which they were every day subjected, and to stand quietly by and see their best hunting grounds invaded by the English settlers, was not to be endured by Indian warriors who could boast as brave and sagacious a leader as Pontiac. The French missionaries and fur-traders who had formerly come among them, gave but little cause for alarm. These adventurers were, for the most part, satisfied with the proceeds of a traflic with the savages, or with telling them the story of the cross ; but it was not so with the Englishman. He was essentially a husbandman, and for half a league around his little hut, he claimed exclusive rights to the resources of the territory. When the Indian invaded these limits he was treated with haughty opposition and ordered away. Thus the red men beheld the rapidly approaching ruin of their race, and hastened to avei't it. Pontiac, whose penetrating mind could reach farthest into coming events, warned those around him of the danger of allowing the English to make permanent settle- ments in their country, and counseled the tribes to unite in one great effort against the common foe. He did not support the common idea which prevailed among the infuriated In- dians, of driving the English into the Atlantic ocean, for he well knew their military skill and power ; but being persuaded' by the French, that the king of France was at that time advancing up the St. Lawrence with a mighty army, he re-- solved to lead the warriors to battle, with a view to restorino- the French power in Canada, and to check the English in their progress westward. " Eesolved on this course, Pontiac, at the close of the year OUR INDIAN WAEDS. 37 "1762, sent out deputies to all tlie tribes. Thej visited the ■country of the Ohio, passed northward to the region of the Upper Lakes and the wild borders of the river Ottawa, and far southward to the mouth of the Mississippi, bearing with "them the belt of wampum, broad and long as the importance of the message demanded, and the tomahawk stained red in token of war. They went from camp to camp, and village to village, and wherever they appeared the sachems and old men assembled to hear the words of the great Pontiac. The head chief of the embassy flung down the tomahawk on the ground before them, and holding the war belt in his hand, de- livered with vehement gesture, word for word, the speech with which he was charged. Every-where the speech was re- -ceived with approval, the hatchet taken up, and the auditors stood pledged, according to the Indian custom, to aid in the projected war. At this period the western wilderness pre- ,sented an interesting scene. Every-where the Indians were preparing for war. The war dance was celebrated in a hun- dred villages, and chiefs and warriors, painted and adorned, stood ready for the onset. To begin the war, however, was reserved by Pontiac as his own special privilege. In the spring of 1763 his great conspiracy was mature, and he sum- moned the chiefs and warriors of all the tribes of the newly formed league to a war council. The sachems met on the banks of the Ecories river, near Detroit, whither Pontiac had gone to welcome them. Band after band of painted warriors came straggling in, until the forest was alive with restless sav- ages for nearly a mile up and down the little stream. It was, indeed, an important event for the red man. At frequent in- tervals during the year just past he had heard of the words of the great Ottawa chief, as delivered by his deputies, l^^ow they had met this wonderful man face to face. He who, through his diligent ambassadors, had united all the tribes of the Algonquin family under a confederacy equal in demo- cratic scope to that of the far famed Six Nations, was now to .•epeak to many of his subjects for the first time. He was to -tell them in true Indian eloquence, the story of their ap- proaching ruin ; he was to uncover the selfish policy of the JEnglish, and point to the only means by which they could 38 OUR INDIAN -VrARDS. revive their declining prowess; he was to stand forth before his savage auditors, and verify, by matchless power of word and gesture, the thrilling story of his greatness, which had been passed from village to village on the tongues of his light- footed messengers. Truly the occasion was an exciting one for the assembled tribes. All waited patiently to hear the words of the famous Ottawa chief. " The council took place on the 27th of April, 1763. On that morning several old men, the heralds of the camp,, passed to and fro among the lodges, calling the warriors, in a loud voice, to attend the meeting. In accordance with the summons they came issuing from their cabins — the tall, naked figures of the wild Ojibwas, with quivers slung at their baekff and light clubs resting in the hollow of their arms; Ottawas, wrapped in their gaudy blankets; Wyandots, fluttering in painted shirts, their heads adorned with feathers and their- leggins garnished with belts. All were soon seated in a wide circle upon the grass, row within row, a mighty and warlike assembly. Each savage countenance wore an expression of gravity. Pipes with ornamental stems were lighted and passed from hand to hand, until all had smoked together ia harmony. " Then Pontiac came forth from his lodge, and walked for- ward into the midst of the council. He was a man of medium height, with a grand>/ proportioned muscular figure, and an address well calculated to win the admiration and respect of the savage heart. His complexion was rather dark for an In- dian, and his features wore a bold and stern expression while- his bearing -was imperious and peremptory. His only attire was that of a primitive savage — a scanty cincture girt about his loins, and his long black hair flowing loosely at his back — excepting the plumes and decorations of the war dress." In his address, his voice was loud and impassioned, his gestures fierce, and at every pause his auditors manifested their assent in deep, guttural ejaculations. His exposure of the- English policy toward the Indians was eloquent and exhaust- ive. He complimented the French extravagantly, and con- trasted them with the " red coats." He gave a summary of the many insults and injuries which he and his followers hadi OUR INDIAN WARDS. 39 received at the hands of the English commandant at Detroit, -and ably portrayed the danger to be apprehended if the British were allowed to maintain their settlements in the country. He said they had conquered Canada, and were now about to turn upon and slaughter the Indians. Already they had invaded their best hunting grounds, and if not checked, it would not be long until the Indians would be driven from their homes. He threw down a broad belt of wampum, say- ing, " that he had received it from his great father, the king of France, in token that he had heard the voice of his red •children, and was on his way to aid them in a war against the English." All present listened to his speech with marked ■attention, and at its close each warrior was eager to attack the British fort. But the chief counseled them to desist for the present. He wished to establish order and method at the beginning, and thus insure success. The news that so many forts and posts had fallen into the iiands of the Indians, caused great alarm among the whites, and the appearance of parties of Indians on the frontier of Pennsylvania and Virginia filled the people with consterna- tion. It seemed as though all the Indian tribes east of the Mississippi were in a hostile attitude. Colonel Bouquet, hav- ing raised a force at Philadelphia to go to the relief of Fort Pitt, found when he arrived at Carlisle, early in July, the whole country in a panic. The settlers in Sherman's valley, and on the Tuscarora, suflfered; and those on the Juniata did ■not escape. Carlisle was fi.lled with fugitives, and many left that place, and pressed on to Lancaster, and even to Phila- delphia. In fact, all the frontier settlers in the English col- onies were in a desperate condition. Troops were raised in Pennsylvania and Virginia to repel and punish the Indians. Some columns met with misfortune, others were successful and victorious. In turn the Indians suffered sadly. Many were barbarously killed, and instances were frequent where Indian prisoners in large numbers were deliberately mas- sacred. Under the excitement, the Moravian mission Indians, on the Susquehannah, were attacked, and many of them, men, women, and children, were cruelly murdered. Such as escaped -fled to Lancaster, and were, for their security, lodged in jail. 40 OUR INDIAN WAEDS. A military organization, called the " Paxton Boys," broke- open the doors of the jail, and perpetrated a new massacre of the inmates. The fury of the mob — one thousand strong — was so great that they went on to Philadelphia, to destroy some friendly Indians who had taken refuge there. The mob, through the intervention of Franklin and a large vol- unteer force raised in the city, was prevented from accom- plishing its bloody work; but there was no power in the province adequate to punish it. Those Indians — called the Christian Indians — then moved higher up the Susquehannah, .and from thence, in a few years, to Ohio, a portion of them, to suffer other outrages, and finally massacre, at Gnauden- hutten About this period the English governor of the Prov- ince of Pennsylvania offered a bounty for Indian scalps. The Colony of Massachusetts had years before done this. On a second expedition. Bouquet made a temporary treaty with the Delawares, Shawnees, and some -other Indians, by which about two hundred white prisoners were given up to him, and it was agreed that all the tribes involved would arrange for a meeting with Sir "William Johnson, with whom a permanent treaty should be made. Subsequently a treaty was executed, as- agreed upon, between the Indians and Sir William, who re- presented the English government, one of the stipulation^ of which was that the Indians should join the English army in its march into the Elinois country, for the purpose of aiding them in getting possession of the forts there. Shortly before this treaty, was executed, the British government issued a pi-oclamation (October, 1763),,which was designed to allay the fears of the red men, and had it been faithfully observed, would, no doubt, in the future have had a most salutary effect. The following extracts will disclose the character of the document : "And, whereas, it is just and reasonable, and essential to our interests, and the security of our colonies that the- several nations or tribes of Indians with whom we are con- nected, and who live under our protection, should not be molested or disturbed in the possession of such parts of our dominions and territories, as, not having been ceded to or purchased by us, are reserved to them, or any of them, as- OUE INDIAN WAEDS. 41 their hunting grounds ; we do, therefore, with the advice of our privy council, declare it to be our royal will and pleasure, that no governor or commander-in-chief, in any of our colo- nies of Quebec, East Florida, or West Florida, do presume, on any pretext whatever, to grant warrants of survey, or pass any patents for lands beyond the bounds of their respective governments, as described in their commissions; as, also, that no governor or commander-in-chief of our other colonies or plantations in America do presume for the present, and until our further pleasure be made known, to grant warrants of survey, or pass patents for any lands, beyond the heads or sources of any of the rivei's which fall into the Atlantic ocean from the west or northwest; or upon any lands whatever, which, not having been ceded to or purchased by us, as afore- said, are reserved to said Indians or any of them. " And we do further declare it to be our royal will and pleas- ure, for the present, as aforesaid, to reserve under our sov- ereignty, protection, and dominion, for the use of the said Indians, all the land and territories not included within the limits of our said three new governments, or within the limits of the territory granted to the Hudson's Bay Com- pany ; as also all the lands and territories lying to the west- ward of the sources of the rivers which fall into the sea from the west and northwest, as aforesaid ; and we do hereby strictly- forbid, on pain of our displeasure, all our loving subjects from making any purchases or settlements whatever, or taking- possession of any lands above reserved, without our special leave and license for that purpose first obtained. "And we do further strictly enjoin and require all persons whatever, who have either willfully or inadvertently seated themselves upon any lands within the countries above de- scribed, or upon any other lands, which, not having been ceded to or purchased by us, are still reserved to the said Indians, as aforesaid, forthwith to remove themselves from such settlements. " And, whereas, great frauds and abuses have been com- mitted in purchasing lands from the Indians, to the great prejudice of our interests, and to the great dissatisfaction of the Indians ; in order, therefore, to prevent such irregularities- 42 OUR INDIAN WAEDS. in the future, and to the end that the Indians may be con- vinced of our justice, and determined resolution to remove all reasonable cause of discontent, we do, with the advice of our privy council, strictly enjoin and require that no private per- son do presume to make any purchase from the said Indians, or of any lands reserved to the said Indians, within these parts of our said colonies where we have thought proper to allow settlements ; but that, if at any time, any of the said Indians should be inclined to dispose of the said lands, the same shall be purchased only for us, in our name, at some public meeting or assembly of the said Indians, to be held for that purpose, by the governor or commander-in-chief of our colony, respectively, within which they shall lie ; and in case they shall be within the limits of any of the proprietaries, conformable to such directions as we or they shall think proper to give for that purpose ; and we do, by the advice of our privy council, declare and enjoin that the trade with said Indians shall be open to all of our subjects whatever: Pro- mded, that every person who may incline to trade with said Indians do take out a license for carrying on such trade, from the governor or commander-in-chief of any of our colonies, respectively, where such person may reside; and also give security to observe such regulations as wo shall at any time think fit, by ourselves, or commissioners to be appointed for this purpose, to direct and appoint, for the benefit of the said trade; and we do hereby authorize, enjoin, and require the governors and commanders-in-chief of all our colonies, re- spectively, as well those under our immediate government as those under the direction and government of proprietaries, to grant such licenses without fee or reward, taking especial care to insert therein a condition that such license shall be void, and the security forfeited, in case the person to whom the same is granted, shall refuse or neglect to observe such regulations as we shall think proper to prescribe as afore- said." In 1765, Col. Grogan, by an order from Sir William John- son, descended the Ohio river to conciliate the Indians. He was accompanied by deputies from the Senecas, Shawnees, and Delawares. From the mouth of the "Wabash he proceeded ODR INDIAN "WARDS. 4^ into the Illinois country, and then made his way to Niagara. He failed to accomplish any thing. The Indians felt restless and dissatisfied, since the prairies and valleys of which they had held undisputed possession, were now claimed by the English on the strength of a treaty of which they were ignorant. The British were coming to take their country, and though protec- tion was promised th«m from the incursion of white settlers, they felt there was no confidence to be placed in these prom- ises. And these fears were realized. Neither the governors nor individuals regarded the warnings of the royal proclama- tion or the promises made by Sir "William Johnson. Settlers were crossing the mountains and entering the country in the Northwestern Territory. Gen. Gage, the commander of the king's forces, admonished the settlers in some sections that they must remove, but they gave no heed to his admonition. Many schemes for colonization were afloat, resulting in rivalry among those engaged in them, and consequent disorder. The Indians were anxious that a definite boundary line should be established between them and the ITnglish. To this end Sir William Johnson was authorized to treat with them. The council for that purpose was held at Fort^StanwixJn-thfi fall of 1768. Parties from. New Jersey, Virginia, and Penn- sylvania were present. Sir William Johnson and his assist- ants, accompanied by the agents of the traders who suffered in the war which closed in 1763, were on hand, and the In- dians were represented by deputies from the Six Nations, the Delawares, and Shawnees only. The most important matter was to determine the line which should separate the western Indians from the English in all future time, and this line the Indians claimed should be the Ohio river. A boundary line, adopting the Ohio to its source from the mouth of the Ten- nessee river, and from the source of the' Ohio up the Alle- ghany to Kittanning, and thence across to the Susquehannah, was adopted. Thus the country south of the Alleghany and east of the Ohio was, by virtue of this treaty, regarded as belong- ing to the British. But the Cherokee Indians claimed that part south of the Kenhawa. Grants for the country were speedily made. The work of settlement, which had been for some time checked, began to revive, and it was but a short 44 OUR INDIAN WARDS. time until scattering colonies were planted on tlie Ohio, in Kentucky, and even in regions northwest of the Ohio. The savages, of course, became dissatisfied, and this dissatisfaction was cultivated by the French traders. Emigration continued, and the best lands of the Indians were taken. Indians were killed at various points along the Ohio river. Washington, who had made a journey to the Ohio, noticed this dissatisfaction, and recorded it in his journal in 1770. The elder Indians urged their tribes to submit to what seemed inevitable, and for a time their advice was not wholly lost, but hatred natu- rally' filled the breasts of the natives, and the continued ag- gressions upon them caused them to thirst for revenge. It is needless to detail the events which followed, up to the time of the rupture between the mother country and her col- onies, culminating in the declaratipn of American independ- ence. Suffice it to say that conflicts continued; and among the incidents that served most to inflame the Indians was the killing of the family of the chief Logan. By this act this chief, who had been the friend, was made a deadly foe of the white man. In the latter part of tbe year 1775, and the first half of 1776, tbe Indians seemed to be inactive. Excursions against those who were invading their hunting grounds nearly ceased. They had not given up the contest ; but were preparing, in connection with British agents in the liforthwest, to act with energy against the colonists. It had been in contem- plation, by both the English and the colonists, even before the war of the Revolution, in the event of an open rupture, to make use of the Indians in the struggle. The example was set by the French and English in their war, and it was generally held that such alliance was unavoidable. It is charged that the English took the first step to enlist the In- dians as allies in the war with the colonies. The first men- tion of it by the colonists was in the address of the Massa- chusetts congress, to the Iroquois, in 1775, in which it was said they had heard that the British were inciting the savages against the colonists; and they requested the Six Nations to aid them or stand neutral. Later, in the same jear, an agent from the Virginia house of burgesses visited OUR INDIAN WAEDS. 45 the western Indians, and, in a conncil with them, found that Governor Carlton had heen there before him, and offered the Indiana the alliance of England. Thus, it would seem that both parties, even before the battle of Lexington, had sought an alliance with the savages. The Congress of the United Colonies, during the year 1775, advocated a policy that looked chiefly to an effort to keep the Indians out of the contest en- tirely ; but England, both by promises and threats, endeavored to enlist them. In her efforts, in this respect, she had but little success until her first victories in the north, and then the Indians began to take her side. In 1778, Congress authorized the employment of Indians in the service of the United States. Some of our histories say that authority was given to employ them in 1776, and that the commander-in-chief was au- thorized to employ them in such service as he pleased, and to offer them a bounty for prisoners taken by them. During the war the English went further, and gave the Indians a bounty for scalps. The northwestern Indians, angered by the constant invasion of their country by hunters, chiefly from Carolina and Yirginia, and being accessible to the En- glish by the lakes, became enlisted in their behalf, and com- mitted many atrocities, chiefly in Kentucky. As the wai' progressed, great uneasiness was felt on the fron- tiers of Pennsylvania and Virginia, because of rumors of com- ing troubles from the savages. The tribes nearest the Amer- ican settlements were pressed upon by more distant bands. Even the settlers on the Mohawk and Susquehannah were in constant dread of incursions. The Shawnee chief. Cornstalk, was a faithful friend of the colonists, and his voice and in- fluence were for peace, and his efforts in that behalf were very valuable. Cornstalk, owing to the confusion and trouble by which he was surrounded, went across the Ohio river in 1777, to talk matters over with the commander of a post at the mouth of the Big Kenhawa. He was a man of great energy, cour- age, and good sense, and very reliable. The Americans there, believing that the Shawnees were inclined to unite with the British, determined to retain him and Red Hawk, a subor- dinate chief who was with him. Cornstalk talked freely of the condition of affairs, and said to Captain Arbuckle, in 46 OUE INDIAN WARDS. command, that unless he and his friends could have assurances of protection from the " Long Knives," they might be com- pelled " to go with the stream." This visit, made as a friend, worked a different result from what he expected. They did not permit him to depart. The day passed by, and on the next morning an Indian on the opposite shore hailed the fort. He was brought over, and was the son of Cornstalk, who was anxious about his father, since he had not returned home. The son was also secured as a hostage. A few days thereafter two Indians, who were unknown to the whites, killed a white hunter. The cry was instantly raised, " Kill the red dogs in the fort." Arbuckle attempted, it is said, to prevent this, but his life was threatened. The mob rushed to the fort where the captive Indians were. Cornstalk met them at the en- trance and was pierced by seven bullets. His son and Red Hawk were also slain. Dodridge, in his Notes, says, "from that hour peace was not to be hoped for." About this time a congress of Indians was gathering at Ot- sego, stimulated by the English, to arrange "to eat the flesh and drink the blood of the Bostonians." Other atrocities on the part of the whites were committed. All these occur- rences aroused the savages, and then the settlers suffered in return, in the loss of life and destrnctioa of property. Such was their condition, by reason of the movements of the In- dians, that their cornfields were not cultivated. The events of this period were of the most touching character, and full of thrilling incidents. The oppressive acts of Great Britain anterior to the revolt of the colonies, and preceding the odious stamp act, and the feeling of discontent thereby produced, had induced that gov- ernment to take preparatory steps to resist the outbreak which seemed inevitable, and she had her emissaries among the sav- ages, inciting them to take up arms. Indeed, it was appre- hended that several tribes were then in a hostile attitude by reason of the conduct of the troops, who were engaged in the hostilities known in our colonial history as Dunmore's war. On the first of June, 1775, a petition from the people of that part' of Augusta county, Virginia, west of the Alleghany mountains, J I was laid before the Continental Congress. The petitioners OUE INDIAN WARDS. 47 expressed "fears of a rupture with the Indians, on account of Lord Dunmore's conduct," and desired "commissioners from the colony of Virginia and province of Pennsylvania, to at- tend a meeting of the Indians at Pittsburg on behalf of these colonies." On the 30th of the same month a number of let- ters and speeches from the Stockbridge Indians were laid be- fore the Congress and read, and the Committee on Indian Al- fairs was directed to prepare, proper talks to the several tribes of Indians, for engaging the continuance of their friendship and neutrality in the existing unhappy dispute with Great Britain. It was also resolved " that the securing and preserv- ing of the friendship of the Indian nations appears to be a subject of the utmost moment to these colonies; that there was too much reason to apprehend that the British will spare no pains to excite the several Indian nations to take up arms against the colonies, and that it became them to be very ac- tive and vigilant, in exercising every prudent means to strengthen and confirm the friendly disposition toward the colonies, among the northern tribes, which has so long pre- vailed, and which has been lately manifested by some of those to the southward." The Congress at the same time made pro- vision for the appointment of boards of commissioners to superintend Indian affairs in behalf of the colonies. It desig- nated three Indian departments — the northern, southern, and middle ; the first to embrace all the Six Nations, and all the Indians northward of those; the second to extend so far north as to include the Cherokees, and all the Indians south of them; and the third to include the Indian nations that lie between the other two departments. It gave authority and power to the commissioners to treat with the Indians in their respective departments, in the name and on behalf of the colonies; the object being to preserve peace and friend- ship with the Indians and to prevent their taking any part in the present commotions. The commissioners were empow- ered to seize any of the king's superintendents, their deputies or agents, who were found stirring up or inciting the Indians to become inimical to the colonies, and to keep them in safe custody until such order is taken in the premises as to the Congress may seem proper. Other powers and duties were 48 OUR INDIAN "WARDS. conferred upon the commissioners, and money appropriated to be expended by them in making treaties and supplying presents to the Indians. This was the first legislation of the Continental Congress creating an official board to administer Indian affairs. During the remainder of the year 1775, many resolves were adopted by the Congress giving advice and aid to the Commissioners of Indian Affairs in the several departments, and looking to the securing of an alliance with the Indian nations. On the 27th of January, 1776, Congress — "Hesolved, That in order to preserve the confidence and friendship of the Indians, find to prevent their suffering for want of the necessaries of life, a suitable assortment of In- dian goods, to the amount of forty thousand pounds sterling, be imported on account and risk of the United Colonies. " That said goods, wben imported, be divided among the different departments, in the following pi'oportions, viz : for the northern department, comprehending Canada, thirteen thousand three hundred and thirty-three pounds, six shillings and eight pence sterling; for the middle department, the like value; and the residue for the southern department. " That in order to pay for the said goods, a quantity of pro- duce of these colonies be exported to some foreign European market, where it will sell to the best advantage. " That the secret committee be empowered to contract with proper persons for importing said goods, and for exporting produce to pay for the same. " That said goods, when imported, be delivered to the Com- missioners of Indian AfEtiirs, for the respective departments,, or their order, in the proportion before mentioned. " That the respective commissioners, or such of them as can conveniently assemble for that purpose, shall, as the goods arrive, fix a price, adding to the first cost, interest, the charge of insurance, and all other charges, and also a commission not exceeding two and one-half per cent, on the first cost, for their own care and trouble in receiving, storing, and selling them to the Indian traders; but such commissioners as are at the same time members of Congress shall not be burdened OUR INDIAN WARDS. 4J> with this part of the business, nor receive any part of the- aforesaid commission. " That no person shall be permitted to trade with the In- dians without license from one or more of the commissioners of each respective department. "That all traders shall dispose of their goods at such started reasonable prices as shall be fixed and ascertained by the commissioners, or a majority of such as can conveniently as- semble for that purpose, in each respective department, and shall allow the Indians a reasonable price for their skins and furs, and take no unjust advantage of their distress and in- temperance; and to this end they shall respectively, upon receiving their licenses, enter into bond to the commissioners, for the use of the United Colonies, in such penalty as the act- ing commissioners, or commissioner, shall think proper, con- ditioned for the performance of the terms and regulations' above prescribed. " That to such licensed traders only, the respective commis- sioners shall deliver the goods, so to be imported, in such pro- portions as they shall judge will best promote a fair trade,, and relieve the necessities of the Indians. " That every trader on receiving the goods shall pay to the- commissioners, in hand, the price at which they shall be esti- mated ; and the commissioners shall, from time to time, as the money shall come to their hands, transmit the same to the Continental treasurers, deducting only the allowance for their trouble, as aforesaid. " That the trade with the Indian nations shall be carried on at such posts and places only, as the commissioners for each department shall respectively appoint. "That these resolutions shall not be construed to prevent or deter any private person from importing goods for the In- dian trade, under the restrictions herein expressed." On the 15th of February, 1776, the Congress— " Besolved, That a friendly commerce between the people of the United Colonies and the Indians, and the propagation of the gospel and the cultivation of the civil arts among the latter, may produce many and inestimable advantages to both^ 4 50 OUR INDIAN WARDS. and that the Commissioners of Indian Affairs be directed to consider of proper places, in their respective departments, for the residence of ministers and schoolmasters, and report the same to Congress." During the remainder of this year (1776) and through the year 1777, many resolves were passed by the Congress, all looking to the preservation of friendly intercourse with the Indian nations. It was a period of deep solicitude, since British agents and emissaries were at work among them, striving to enlist them against the United States, in the war then in progress. In the month of March, 177S, the Con- gress — "Resolved, That General Washington be empowered, if he thinks it prudent aud proper, to employ in the service of the United States a body of Indians, not exceeding four hun- dred, aud that it be left to him to pursue such measures as he judges best for procuring them, and to employ them, when procured, in such way as will annoy the enemy, without suf- fering them to injure those who are friends to the cause of America." At the same time the Congress — " Resolved, That Brigadier Mcintosh be directed to assem- ble at ForLPitt as many Continental troops and militia as will amount to fifteen hundred, and proceed without delay to destroy such towns of the hostile tribes as he, in his discre- tion, shall think will most effectually tend to chastise and terrify the savages, and to check their ravages on the frontiers of these states." The first of these resolutions was no doubt induced by the fact, then notorious, that the British had Indians employed in their military service ; while the second, levying troops to destroy the towns of the hostile Indians, was prompted by the incursion into Wyoming, by the Seneca Indians, " aided by tories and other banditti," from the frontiers of New York, l^evv Jersey, and Pennsylvania, and rumors that expeditions of a like character were contemplated. The board of war was directed to take prompt measures in the premises. Dur- ing the progress of the struggle for independence, many of the inhabitants of the colonies were tortured and killed by OUE INDIAN WARDS. 51 "the Indians, and many Indians were killed by the whites, and there was no time when there was not fear and apprehension because of the temper of many of the Indian tribes, who, -through the influence of British agents and emissaries, were made actively hostile. Moreover, both parties had enlisted them in the military service, and thus their savage propensi- ties and love of war were cultivated, their passionate love of strong drink gratified, and at the close of tbe contest the In- dians generally were left in a very demoralized condition. 62 OUR INDIAN WARDS. CHAPTER lY. Events following the treaty of peace. — The effect upon the Indians. — The frontier post.s rf.main in the hands of the British. — Complic.i" TIONS RESULTINR THEREFROM. — MILITARY EXPEDITIONS AGAINST THE IN- DIANS. — Interview, at Niagara, between United States commission- ers AND deputations FROM THE INDIAN NATIONS, ETC. Among the pressing duties which forced themselves on the Congress of the United States, at the close of the Revolu- tionary war, none were more imperative than some satisfac- tory adjustment with the Indian nations. Not long after the cessation of hostilities, and the treaty of peace, the Congress,, in May, 1783— "Besolved, That the secretary of war take the most effective measures to inform the several Indian nations on the frontiers of the United States, that preliminary articles of peace have been agreed on, and hostilities have ceased with Great Britain,, and to communicate to them that the forts within the United States, and in possession of the British troops, will speedily be evacuated; intimating, also, that the United States are dis- posed to enter into friendly treaty with the different tribes, and to inform the hostile Indian nations that unless they im- mediately cease all hostilities against the citizens of the United States, and accept of these friendly proffers of peace. Congress will take the most decided measures to compel them thereto." When the treaty of Paris was concluded, in 1763, the French, had not extinguished the Indian title to the lands in the west- ern country, and, in fact, owned only a few small tracts about her various forts situate therein. No transfer of territory came from Pqntiac^swar, or from that of Uunmore. The New York Indians, it is true, had, at the treaty "oTFort Stan- wix, in 1763, ceded to the English their lands south of the Ohio river. Hence, "when, at the close of the Hevolution, in 1783, Great Britain made over her western lands to the United States, she made over nothing more than she had re- ceived from France, excepting the title of the Six Nations OUR INDIAN WARDS. 53 aud the southern Indians to a portion of the territory south of the Ohio river. But this was not the view that the Con- gress of the United States took of the affair. This hody, it would seem, conceived that it had, under the treaty with England, a full right to all the lands embraced in the territory thereby ceded, and, regarding the Indian title as forfeited by the Hevolution, assumed that the government would not pur- chase lands from the Indians, but grant them peace, and dic- tate terms as to the boundary lines of territory allowed." lu the treaty with the Delawares, in 1778 (the first formal treaty made by the United States with any Indian tfibe), the lands of the Indians are not referred to by any given bound- aries. It was simply stated that the most practicable way for the troops of the United States, to the posts and forts of the British on the laises and other places, "is by passing through the country of the Deiawares;" and the Indians agreed "to give a free passage through their country to the troops afore- said." In 1782, the year before the treaty of peace, Congress had under consideration a cession of land from the State of New York to the United States, and the committee to whom the subject was referred, on the first of May of that year, recom- mended the acceptance of the cession, for the following reasons : "1. It clearly appeared to your committee that all the lands belonging to the Six Nations of Indians and their tribu- taries have been, in due form, put under the protection of the crown of England, by the said Six Nations, as appendant to the late government of the colony of New York, so far as re- spects jurisdiction only. " 2. That the citizens of the said colony of New York have borne the burden, both as to blood and treasure, of protecting and supporting the said Six Nations of Indians and their tributariesffbr upward of one hundred years last past, as the dependents and allies of the said government. " 3. That the crown of England has always considered and treated the country of the said Six Nations and their tribu- ^taries, inhabited as far as the forty-fifth degree of north lati- tude, as appendant to the government of New York. 54 OUR INDIAN WARDS, " 4. That the neighboring colonies of Massachusetts, Con- necticut, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia have also, from time to time, by their public acts, recognized and ad- mitted the said Six ISTations and their tributaries to be ap- pendant to the government of Few York. " 5. That by Congress accepting this cession, the jurisdiction of the whole western territory, belonging to the Six Nations and their tributaries, will be vested in the United States,, greatly to the advantage of the Union." The committee of Congress assume, in their report, a right in the Six Nations to lands in the western territory which had no foundation in fact. The government commissroners, Oli- ver Walcott, Richard Butler, and Arthur Lee, who made the- treaty of the 22d of October, 1784, with the Six Nations, at Fort Stanwix, certainly entertained no such opinion. The; provisions of the treaty are sufficient evidence on this subject. The first article gives peace to the Senecas, Mohawks, Onon- dagas, and Cayugas, and the United States receives and gives them protection on the following conditions : Six In- dian hostages are to be given to the commissioners by the- said Indians, to remain in possession of the United States, till all the prisoners, white and black, which were taken by the Senecas, in the late war, shall be given up ; and the Oneidas and Tuscaroras are to be secured in the possession of the lands ' on which they are settled. The third article reads thus : ' " Art. 3. A line shall be drawn beginning at the mouth of ■ a creek about four miles east of Niagara, called Oyonwayea,/ or Johnson's landing place, upon the lake, named by the In- dians Oswego, and by us Ontario; from thence southerly,, always four miles east of the carrying path, between Lake Erie and Ontario, to the mouth of Tehoreroran, or Buffalo creek, on Lake Erie ; thence south to the north boundary of the State of Pennsylvania, thence west to the end of the said north boundary, thence south along the west boundary of said state to the river Ohio, the said line, from the mouth of the- Oyonwayea to the Ohio, shall be the western boundary of the Six Nations ; that the Six Nations shall and do yield to th& United States all claims to the country west of the said boundary, and then they shall be secured in the peaceable- OUE INDIAN WARDS. ' 55 possession of the lands they inhabit, east and north of the same, reserving only six miles square round the Fort of Os- wego to the United States, for the support of the same." The fourth and last article of the treaty says that " the commissioners, in consideration of the present circumstances of the Six Nations, and in the execution of the humane and liberal views of the United States, upon the signing of the above articles, will order goods to be delivered to the said Six Nations, for their use and comfort." The Six Nations had, on many occasions previous to that time, operated in Canada, and westward along the lakes; they had driven the Hurons and other tribes infesting the borders of the lakes before them; had made incursions to the south and southwest on hostile expeditions; the French, on divers occasions, had felt their power, and years before our revolutionary period they had organized their confederacy, and it was said that when the colonies were discussing the matter of forming some sort of a league or union, the Iroquois chiefs and orators held up their confederation as an example for imitation. It is not to be presumed that such a people, if they con- sidered they had valid claims to such a vast country as the western territory would yield all right to it, simply for a few goods to be delivered to them for their use and comfort, at the time of signing the Fort Stanwix treaty. In the month of January, 1789, another treaty was made with the Six Nations at Fort Harmer. Arthur St. Clair, then governor of the Northwest Territory, was the commis- sioner on the part of the United States. The Six Nations (except the Mohawks, who did not attend) confirmed the boundary line established' by the treaty of 1784, and gave a release and quitclaim to all lands west of said boundary to the United States, and the parties mutually pledged to each other peace and friendship. The original instructions for the government of the com- missioners appointed in 1783, to make treaties with all the Indian nations, provided for one convention with all the tribes, but these were amended the following March, so as to authorize treaties with tribes separately, as far as possible. 56 OUR INDIAN WARDS. On the 21st of January, 1785, a treaty was made at Fort Mclntosli, between the United States and the "Wyandots, Delawaree, Chippewas, and Ottawas. George Rogers Clark, Eichard Butler, and Arthur Lee represented the government. The Indians agreed to give up all prisoners taken by them, and acknowledged themselves and all their tribes to be under the protection of the United States, and no other sovereign whatever. The third article reads as follows : "Art. 3. The boundary line between the United States and the Wyandot and Delaware nations shall begin at the mouth of the river Cuyahoga, and thence up said river to the portage between that and the Tuscarawas branch of the Muskingum; thence down the said branch to the forks at the crossing place above Fort Lawrence (Laurens), thence westwardly to the portage of the Big Miami, which runs into the Ohio, at the mouth of which branch the fort stood which was taken by the French in 1752 ; thence along said portage to the Great Miami, or Ome river (Maumee), and down the south- east side of the same to its mouth ; thence along the south shore of Lake Erie to the mouth of the Cuyahoga, where it began." By the fourth article all the lands contained within the ■said boundary lines were confirmed to the Wyandot and Delaware nations, and to such of the Ottawas as live thereon, saving and reserving for the establishment of trading posts reservations of six miles square, at the mouth of the Miami, or Ome (Maumee) river; at the portage on the branch of the Big Miami, which runs into the Ohio, and the same on the lake at Sandusky, where the fort formerly stood, and two miles square on each side of the lower rapids of Sandusky river, " which posts and lands shall be to the use and under the government of the United States." Reservations were also excepted at the posts of Detroit and Michilimackinac. The fifth article stipulates, that if any citizen of the United States, or other person, not being an Indian, shall attempt to settle on any of the lands allotted to the Wyandot and Dela- ware nations, except the lauds reserved, " such persons shall forfeit the protection of the United States, and the Indians may punish him as they please." The Indians acknowledge OUR INDIAN WARDS. 57 that the territory east, west, and south of the lines described in the third article, so far as they formerly claimed the same, belong to the United States, and none of their tribes shall presume to settle upon the same. On the 9th day of January, 1789, a treaty between the United States, by Governor Arthur St. Clair, and the sachems and warriors of the Wyandot, Delaware, Ottawa, Chippewa, Pottawatomie, and Sac nations, was concluded, at Tort Harmer, for removing all causes of controversy, regulating trade, and settling boundaries. By this treaty the boundary line between the United States and said Indian nations, as defined in the treaty of Fort Mcintosh (January 21, 1785), was confirmed, except as follows: In the boundary line from the portage to that branch of the Miami river which runs into the lake, as described in the Fort Mcintosh treaty, the words, if strictly ■construed, would carry the line over to the Auglaize, which was neither the intention of the commissioners nor the Indians, " therefore it is hereby declared that the line shall run fi-om said j)ortage directly to the first fork of the Miami river, which is to the southward and eastward of the Miami village, thence down the main branch of the Miami to said village, thence ■down that river to Lake Erie, and along the margin thereof to the place of beginning." In consideration of former presents, and goods then deliv- ered, the Indians renewed and confirmed the said boundary line, to the end that the same may remain a division line between the lands of the United States of America and the lands of said Indian nations forever. And said Indians relinquished and ceded to the United States all the land east, south, and west -of the boundaries designated, so far as they formerly claimed the same. The Indians are prohibited from disposing of their lands to any sovereign power, except the United States. They are to occupy their lands as they see fit, and are to be per- mitted to hunt within the ceded territory, without hindrance or molestation, so long as they demean themselves peaceably, and otter no injury or annoyance to any of the subjects or oitizens of the United States. They are to give up all pris- oners, and all parties or persons committing murder or rob- bery, either Indians or whites, are to be delivered up for trial 58 OUR INDIAN WARDS. according to the laws of the territory ; and " if any person or persons, citizens or subjects of the United States, or any other person, not being an Indian, shall -presume to settle upon the lands confirmed to the said nations, he and they shall be out of the protection of the United States, and the Indian nations may punish him or them in such manner as they see fit." A separate treaty with the Shawanoe nation was entered into on the northwest bank of the Ohio river, at the mouth of the Great Miami river, on the 31st of January, 1786. In it, the Indians acknowledged the United States to be the sole and absolute sovereign of all the territory ceded to them by the treaty of peace between them and the king of Great Britain, which treaty was ratified January 14, 1784; and the United States granted peace to the Shawanoe nation, and agreed to receive the Indians into their friendship and pro- tection. Article sixth is in these words: "The United States do allot to the Shawanoe nation lands within their territory, to- live and hunt upon, beginning at the south line of the lands allotted to the Wyandot and Delaware nations, at the place where the main branch of the Great Miami river, which falls into the Ohio, intersects said line; thence down the "river Miami to the fork of that river next below the old fort which was taken by the French in 1752 ; thence due west to the river De la Pause ; thence down that river to the river "Wa- bash, beyond which lines none of the citizens of the United States shall settle, nor disturb the Shawanoes in their set- tlements and possessions; and the Shawanoes do relinquish to- the United States all title, or pretense of title, they ever had to the lands east, west, and south of the east, west, and south lines before described." In the seventh and last article it is stipulated that " if any citizen of the United States shall presume to settle upon the lands allotted to the Shawanoes by this treaty, he or they shall be put out of the protection of the United States." By the terms of the treaty of peace, Great Britain was to evacuate all the posts and forts held by her without delay. From complications not then anticipated, she held the fron- tier posts for a number of years. This fact left the impressioa OUE INDIAN WARDS. 5& among the Indians that the controversy was not yet closed, and their minds were poisoned by those about the posts. The British Indian superintendent, John Johnson, thus wrote to Brant in 1787 : " Do not suffer an idea to have a place in your mind that it will be for your interest to sit still and see the Americans attempt the posts. It is for your sakes chiefly, if not entirely, that we hold them. If you become indifferent about them, they may, perhaps, be given up ; what security would you have then ? You would be left at the mercy of a people whose blood calls aloud for revenge ; whereas, by support- ing them, you encourage us to hold them, and encourage the new settlements, already considerable, and every day increas- ing by numbers coming in who find they can not live in the States. Many thousands are preparing to come in. This in- crease of his majesty's subjects will serve as a protection to you, should the subjects of the States, by endeavoring to make further encroachments on you, disturb your quiet." The same year the British commandant at Detroit wrote Brant that the governor was sorry to learn " that while the Indians were soliciting his assistance in their preparations for war, some of the Six l^ations had sent deputies to Albany to- treat with the Americans, who, it is said, have made a treaty with them, granting permission to make roads for the pur- pose of coming to Niagara; but that, notwithstanding these things, the Indians should have their presents, as they are marks of the king's approbation of their former conduct. In future, his lordship wishes them to act as best for their interests; he can not begin a war with the Americans, be- cause some of their people encroach and make depredations on part of the Indian country, but they must sec it is his lordship's intention to defend the posts ; and that while these are preserved, the Indians must find great security therefrom, and consequently the Americans have greater difliculty in taking possession of their lands ; but should they (the Amer- icans) once become masters of the posts, they will surround the Indians, and accomplish their purpose with but little trouble. From a consideration of all which it remains with the Indians to decide what is most for their interest, and to let 60 OUR INDIAN WAEDS. his lordship know their determination, that he may take measures accordingly ; but whatever their resolution is, it should be taken as by one and the same people, by which means they will be respected and become strong ; but if they divide, and act one pai't against the other, they will become weak, and help to destroy each other. This is a substance of what his lordship desired me to tell you. . . . It is well known that no encroachments ever have or ever will be made by the English upon the lands or property of the Indians, in consequence of possessing the posts. How far that will be the case if ever the Americans get into them, may very easily be imagined from their hostile perseverance, even without this advantage, in driving the Indians off of their lands and tak- ing possession of them." The condition of things in the Western Territory at this time — the intrusion of the whites and their trespassing on the Indian lands and the conflicts that occurred — were well cal- culated to and did prepare the minds of the Indians to receive favorably the suggestions that came to them from the British posts, and to attach them to the English. In view of exist- ing facts, a military expedition was organized and placed un- der the command of Gen. Harmer. lie penetrated the coun- try to the Miami villages on the head-waters of the Maumee, in 1790. He had two unimportant skirmishes with the In- dians in the month of October, and destroyed several of their towns, and about twenty thousand bushels of corn in the ear. The Indians abandoned their villages before his army reached them. In 1791, by authority of the government, a body of mounted volunteers was raised in Kentucky to operate against the Indians on the "Wabash. Many Indians were killed, their villages burned, and about four hundred acres of their corn destroyed. Harmer did not reach the upper Indian towns on tlie Wabash. The government had been for several years impressed with a desire to establish a strong military post at tlie junction of the St. Mary's and St. Joseph's rivers, and these expeditions were in some degree prompted by this ■desire. OUR INDIAN WARDS. 61 In the spring of the same year (1791) another expedition was fitted out and placed under the command of Governor Arthur St. Clair, who had been appointed a major-genei-al in the United States army. In the instructions to St. Clair, the secretary of war informed him that one object of the cam- paign was to establish a strong and permanent military post at the Miami village, and after the defeat of St. Clair, the secretary, in his official report of the. affair, made December 26, 1751, said : " The great object of the campaign was to es- tablish a strong military post at the Miami village." St.. Clair's army reached a stream which he supposed was the St. Mary of the Maumee, but in fact a branch of the "Wabash, on the 3d of November, 1791. At this point, which he sup- posed to be about fifteen miles from the village, he deter- mined to throw up a slight work in which to deposit the men's knapsacks and all else not of absolute necessity, and then to have moved on " to attack the enemy as soon as the- first regiment came up ; " but he was not allowed to do either, since on the 4th, about half an hour before sunrise, and when the men had just been dismissed from the morning parade, St. Clair reported that " an attack was made upon the militia. These gave way in a very little time and rushed into camp (through Major Butler's battalion which, together with a part of Clark's, they threw into considerable disorder,, and which, notwithstanding the exertions of both these offi- cers, was never altogether remedied). The fire, however, of the front line checked the Indians; but, almost instantly, a very severe attack began upon that line, and in a few minutes it was likewise extended to the second. The great weight of it was directed against the center of each, where the artillery was placed, and from which the men were repeatedly driven with great slaughter." The conflict was terrible. The artil- lery was silenced, every officer but one being killed. Every officer of the second regiment except three fell, and more than one-half of the army was destroyed. The remnant made an effort to regain the road, which done " the militia took along it, followed by the troops." In his report of this unhappy affair, St. Clair said: "The retreat, in those circumstances was, as you may be sure, a precipitate one. It was in fact a.. 62 OUE INDIAN WARDS. flight. The camp and the artillery were abandoned, but that was unavoidable, for not a horse was left alive to have drawn it off, had it otherwise been practicable. But the most dis- graceful part of the business is, that the greatest part of the men threw away their arms and accouterments, even after the pursuit, which continued about four miles, had ceased. I found the road strewed with them for many miles, but was not able to remedy it, for having had all my horses killed, and being mounted upon one that could not be pricked out of a walk, I could not get forward myself; and the orders I sent forward, either to halt the front or to prevent the men from parting with their arms, were unattended to. The flight con- tinued to Fort Jefferson, twenty-nine miles, which was reached a little after sun-setting." Out of an army of four- teen hundred men, the killed and wounded amounted to eight hundred and ninety, in an attempt " to establish a strong mili- tary post at the Miami village," which " was the great object of the campaign." Other forts were contemplated in addi- tion to this one, connecting it with Fort "Washington, on the Ohio. Before St. Clair set out, he was advised by the sec- retary of war that the establishment of a fort at the Miami village "is considered an important object of the campaign, and is to take place in all events. In case of a previous treaty, the Indians are to be conciliated upon this point, if possible, and it is presumed good arguments may be offered to induce their acquiescence." "When we remember that Gov- ernor St. Clair was the United States commissioner and party to the treaty of Fort Harmer, made January 9, 1789, less than three years before the overwhelming defeat of his army, and by that treaty a line was established to be and remain " a di- vision line between the lands of the United States and the lands of said Indian nations forever" and that the village was in the territory confirmed to the Indian nations forever, by the treaty, with assurances that "if any person or persons, citizens or subjects of the United States, or any person not being an Indian, shall presume to settle upon the lands con- firmed to the said nations, he and they shall be out of the protection of the United States, and the said Indian nations lit ay punish him or them in such manner as they see Jit" there OUE INDIAN WARDS. 63 appears to be in this sad tragedy matter for the most serious reflection. Various tracts of land were, by the treaty, re- served for posts and forts, but there is no provision for any reservation at the Miami village, for any purpose whatever, notwithstanding the existence of the village was known be- fore the treaty was made, and in fact is specifically referred to in the treaty. Before St. Clair's army set out on its ill-fated expedition, a talk was sent to various Indian nations, inviting them to a peace conference, proposed to be held with them, at the rapids of the Maumee. Subsequently, the place of meeting was chai^iged to Sandusky. Benjamin Lincoln, Beverly Randolph, and Timothy Pickering were appointed commissioners. When these gentlemen were at Niagara, the guests of Governor Simcoe, the Mohawk chief. Brant; with some fifty other In- dian deputies, who came from the Maumee, called on them, and, through Brant, in the presence of the governor, thus ad- dressed them : " Brothers : We have met to-day our brothers, the Bos- tonians and the English ; we are glad to have the meeting, and think' that it is by appointment of the Great Spirit. Brothers of the United States : We told you the other day, at Fort' Erie, that, at another time, we would inform you why we had not assembled at the time .and place appointed for holding the treaty with you. We now inform you that it was because there was so much of the appearance of war in that quarter. Brothers : We have given the reasons for our not meeting you ; and now we request an explanation of those warlike appearances. Brothers : The people you see here are sent to represent the Indian nations who own the land north of the Ohio as their common property, and who are all of one mind, one heart. Brothers : We have come to speak to you for two reasons — one, because your warriors, being in our neighborhood, have prevented aurmeeting at the appointed place ; the other, to know if you are properly authorized to run and establish a new bouhdary line between the lands of the United States and the Indian nations ? We are still de- sirous of meeting you at the appointed place. Brothers : We wish you to deliberate well on this business. We have spoken 64 OUR INDIAN WARDS. our Bentiments in sincerity, considering ourselves in the pres- ence of the G-reat Spirit, from whom, in time of danger, we expect assistance." On the succeeding day, the commissioners made the follow- ing replj' : " Brothers: You have mentioned two objects of your com-- ing to meet us at this place. One, to obtain an explanation of the warlike appearances on the part of the United States,, on the northwestern side of the Ohio ; the other, whether we have authority to run and establish a new boundary line be- tween your lands and ours. Brothers : On the first point, we- can not but express our regret that any reports of warlike ajjpearances on the part of the United States should have de- layed our meeting at Sandusky. The nature o.f the case irresistibly forbids all apprehensions of any hostile incursions- into the Indian country north of the Ohio, during the treaty at Sandusky. Brothers : We are deputed by the Great Chief and the Great Council of the United States to treat with you of peace ; and is it possible that the same Great Chief and liia Great Council could order their warriors to make fresh war, while we were sitting round the same fire with you, in order to- make peace? Is it possible that our Great Chief and his Great Council would act so deceitfully toward us, their com- missioners, as well as toward you? Brothers : We think it not possible ; but Ave will quit arguments, and come to facts- Brothers : We assure you that our Great Chief, General Wash- ington, has strictly forbidden all hostilities against you, until the event of the proposed treaty at Sandusky shall be known- Here is the proclamation of his head warrior. General Wayne,, to that effect. But, brothers, our Great Chief is so sincere in his professions for peace, and so desirous for preventing every thing which would obstruct the treaty and prolong the war, that besides giving the above order to his head warrior, he has informed the governors of the several states adjoining'the Ohio, of the treaty proposed to be held at Sandusky, and do- sired them to unite their power with his to prevent any hostile attempts against the Indians north of the Ohio, until the result of the treaty is made known. These governors have accord- ingly issued their orders strictly forbidding all such hostilities. OUE INDIAN WARDS. 65 The proclamations of the governors of Virginia and Pennsyl- vania, we have here in our hands. Brothers : If, after all these precautions of our Great Chief, any hostilities should be committed north of the OMo, they must proceed from a few disorderly people, whom no considerations of public good can restrain. But we hope and believe that none such can be found. " Brothers: After these explanations, we hope you will pos- sess your minds in peace, relying on the good faith of the United States that no injury is to be apprehended by you during the treaty. Brothers: We now come to the second point : Whether we are authorized to run and establish a new boundary line between your lands and ours. Brothers : We answer explicitly that we have that authority. Where this line should run, will be the great subject of discussion at the treaty between you and us ; and we sincerely hope and expect that it will then be fixed to the satisfaction of both parties. Doubtless some concessions must be made on both sides. In all disputes and quarrels both parties usually take some wrong steps ; so that it is only by mutual concessions that a true reconciliation can be effected. Brothers : We wish you to understand us clearly on this head ; for we mean that all our proceedings shall be made with candor. We there- fore repeat, and say explicitly, that some concessions will be necessary on your part as well as on ours, in order to es- tablish a just and permanent peace. After this great point of the boundary shall be fully considered at the treaty, we shall know what concessions and stipulations it will be proper to make, on the part of the United States; and we trust they will be such as the world will pronounce reasonable and just. Brothers: You told us you represented the nations of Indians who owned the lands north of the Ohio, and whose chiefs are assembled at the rapids of the Maumee. Brothers : It would be a satisfaction for us to be informed of the names of those nations, and of the number of chiefs of each so as- sembled. Brothers: We once more turn our eyes to your representation of warlike appearances in our country. To give you complete satisfaction on this point, we now assure 5 66 OUE INDIAN WARDS. you that as soon as our council at this place is ended we will send a messenger on horseback to the great chief of the TJnited States, requesting him to renew, and strongly repeat, his orders to his head warrior, not only to abstain from all hostilities against you, but to remain quietly at his post until the event of the treaty shall be known." Much more was said by the commissioners, which may be omitted in this connection, since in the communcation of the Indians, in reply to the speech of the commissioners, the former have embodied the most important statements of the latter, with their comments on them. In reply to the inquiry of the commissioners, as to the tribes then at the rapids. Brant said : "Yesterday you expressed a wish to be informed of the names of the nations, and number of chiefs, assembled at the Maumee; but, as they were daily coming in, we can not give you exact information. You will see for yourself in a few days. When we left it the following nations were there, to wit: Five N"ations, Wyandots, Delawares, Shawanoes, Munsees, Miamies, Chippewas, Ottawas, Pottawatomies, Nan- tikokies, Mingoes, Cherokces. The principal men of them were there. " The reader will remember that the treaty of Fort Mcin- tosh, made January 21, 1785, was with the Wyandot, Dela- ware, Chippewa, and Ottawa nations only; and St. Clair's treaty, of January 9, 1789, was with the above named and the Pottawatomies and Sac nations only. The Miami, Kick- apoo, Eel River, Wea, Piankashaw, Kaskaskia, and other tribes northwest of the Ohio river, had no lot or part in either. The St. Clair, or Harmer treaty, was made about eighteen months after the adoption of the ordinance of 1787. In that ordinance the following provision is found: "The ut- most good faith shall always be observed toward the Indians ; their lands and property shall never be taken from them with- out their consent ; and in their property, rights, and liberty they shall never be invaded or disturbed unless in just and lawful wars, authorized by Congress; but laws, founded in justice and humanity, shall, from time to time, be made for preventing wrongs being done to them, and for preserving peace and friendship with them." OUR INDIAN WAEDS. 67 The talk of the United States commissioners, in reply to the speech of Brant and his associates, at the Niagara meet- ing, was made in July, 1793. The final reply to this talk was adopted in a general council of the confederate Indian na- tions, held at the foot of the rapids of the Maumee, on the 13th of August, 1793. Its importance will he perceived on the perusal of the document itself. It is as follows : " To THE Commissioners of the United States : " Brothers : We have received your speech, dated the 31st -of last month, and it has been interpreted to all the different nations. We have been long in sending you an answer, be- cause of the great importance of the subject. But we now answer it fully, having given it all the consideration in our power. "Brothers: You tell us that after you had made peace with the king, our father, about tea years ago, ' it remained to make peace between the United States and the Indian na- tions who had taken part with the king. For this purpose •commissioners were appointed, who sent messengers to all those Indian nations, inviting them to come and make peace ;' -and after reciting the periods at which you say treaties were held at Fort Stanwix, Fort Mcintosh, and Miami, all wliich treaties, according to your owrTacknowledgment, were for the sole purpose of making peace, you then say : ' Brothers: The commissioners who conducted these treaties in behalf of the United States, sent the papers containing them to the general council of the States, who supposing them satisfactory to the natives treated with, proceeded to dispose of the lands thereby ceded.' " Brothers : This is telling us plainly what we always un- derstood to be the case, and it agrees with the declarations of those few who attended those treaties, viz : that they went to your commissioners to make peace, but through fear were obliged to sign any paper that was laid before them ; and it has since appeared that deeds of cession were signed by them, instead of treaties of peace. " Brothers : You then say, ' after some time it appears that people in your nations were dissatisfied with the treaties of Fort Mcintosh and Miami; therefore, the council of the 68 OUK INDIAN WARDS. United States appointed Governor St. Clair their commis- sioner, with full power, for the purpose of removing all causes of controversy, relating to trade and settling boundaries be- tween the Indian nations in the northern department of the United States. He accordingly sent messengers inviting all the nations concerned to meet him at a council lire to be kindled at the falls of the Muskingum. While he was wait- ing for them some mischief happened at that place, and the fire was put out; so he kindled a council fire at Fort Harmer, where nearly six hundred Indians of difierent nations at- tended. The Six Nations then renewed and confirmed the treaty of Fort Stanwix ; and the Wyandots and Delawares renewed and confirmed the treaty of Fort Mcintosh; some Ottavvas, Chippewas, Pottawatomies, and Sacs were also par- ties to the treaty of Fort Harmer.' Now, brothers, these are your words, and it is necessary for us to make a short reply to them. " Brothers : A general council of all the Indian confederacy was held, as you well know, in the fall of the year 1788, at this place; and that general council was invited by your com- missioner, Governor St. Clair, to meet him for the purpose of holding a treaty, with regard to the lands mentioned by you. to have been ceded by the treaties of Fort Sfanwix and Fort Mcintosh. " Brothers: We are in possession of the speeches and letters- which passed on that occasion, between those deputed by the confederated Indians and Governor St. Clair, the commis- sioner of the United States. These papers prove that your said commissioner, in the beginning of the year 1789, and after having been informed by the general council of the pre- ceding fall, that no bargain or sale for any part of these In- dian lands would be considered as valid or binding, unless agreed to by a general council, nevertheless, persisted in col- lecting together a few chiefs of two or three nations only, and with them held a treaty for the cession of an immense coun- try, in which they were no more interested than as a branch of the general confederacy, and who were in no manner aothorized to make any grant or concession whatever. "Brothers: How, then, was it possible for you to expect to OUR INDIAN WARDS. 69 enjoy peace, and quietly to hold these lands, when your com- missioner was informed long before he had the treaty of Fort Harmer, that the consent of a general council was absolutely necessary to convey any part of these lands to the United States? The part of these lands which the United States now wish us to relinquish, and which you say are settled, have been sold by the United States since that time. "Brothers: You say 'the United States wish to have ' con- firmed all the lands ceded to them by the treaty of Fort Har- mer, and also a small tract at the rapids of the Ohio, claimed by General Clark, for the use of himself and his warriors. And in consideration thereof, the United States would give such a large sum of money or goods, as was never given at any one time, for any quantity of Indian lands, since the white people first set their feet on this island. And because these lands did every year furnish you with skins and furs, with which you bought clothing and other necessaries, the United States will now furnish the like constant supplies. And, therefore, beside the great sum to be delivered at once, they will every year deliver you a large quantity of goods, as are best fitted to the wants of yourselves and your women and children.' "Brothers: Money to us is of no value, and to most of us unknown; and as no consideration whatever can induce us to sell our lands on which we get sustenance for our women and children, we hope we may be allowed to point out a mode by which your settlers may be easily removed, and peace thereby obtained. "Brothers: We know that these settlers are poor, or they never would have ventured to live in a country which has been in continual trouble ever since they crossed the Ohio. Divide, therefore, this large sum of money, which you have ofifered to us, among these people. Give to each, also, a pro- portion of what you say you would give to us, annually, over and above this large sura of money ; and as we are persuaded, they would most readily accept of it, in lieu of the land you sold them. If you add, also, the great sums you must ex- pend in raising and paying armies, with a view to force us to yield our country, you will certainly have more than sufficient 70 OTJR INDIAN" WARDS. for the purpose of repaying these settlers, for all their labor and all their improvements. ^^ Brothers: You have talked to us about concessions. It appears strange that you should expect any from us, who have only been defending our just rights, against your inva- sions. We want peace. Restore to us our country, and we shall be enemies no longer. "Brothers: You make one concession to us by offering us your money, and another by having agreed to do us justice, after having long and injuriously withheld it; we mean in the acknowledgment you have made, that the king of England never did, nor never had a right to give you our country, by the treaty of peace. And you want to make this act of com- mon justice a great part of your concessions; and seem to expect that, because you have at last acknowledged our inde- pendence, we should, for such a favor, surrender to you our country. '^Brothers: You have talked, also, a great deal about pre- emption, and your exclusive right to purchase Indian lands, as ceded to you by the king, at the treaty of peace. " Brothers : We never made any agreement with the king, nor with any other nation, that we would give to either the exclusive right of purchasing our lands ; and we declare to you that we consider ourselves free to make any bargain or cession of lands, whenever and to whomsoever we please. If the white people, as you say, made a treaty tliat none of them but the king should purchase of us, and that he has given that right to the United States, it is an affair which concerns you and him, and not us ; we have never parted with such a power. ''Brothers: At our general council held at the Glaize last fall, we agreed to meet commissioners from the United States, for the purpose of restoring peace, provided they consented to acknowledge and confirm our boundary line to the Ohio, and we determined not to meet you until you gave us satis- faction on that point ; that is the reason we have never met. " We desire you to consider, brothers, that our only de- mand is the peaceable possession of a small part of our once great country. Look back and review the landg from whence OUR INDIAN WARDS. 7! ■we have been driven to this spot. "We can retreat no farther, because the country behind us barely affords food for its in- habitants ; and we have, therefore, resolved to leave our bones in this small space to which we are now confined. "Brothers: "We shall be persuaded that you mean to do ua justice, if you agree that the Ohio shall remain the boundtiry line between us. If you will not consent thereto, our meet- ing Avill be altogether unnecessary. This is the great point, which we hoped would have been explained before you left your homes, as our message, last fall, was principally directed to obtain that information. Done in general council, at the foot of the Maumee rapids, the 13th day of August, 1793." This document was signed by the deputies of the nations who were in the general council that adopted it. They were the Wyandots, Miamis, Monhicans, Seven Nations of Canada, Ottawas, Connoys, Pottawatomies, Messagoes, Delawares, Senecas of the Glaize, Chippewas, ]S"antakokies, Sbawanoes, Munsees, Creeks, and Cherokees. To it, the United States commissioners made no reply. Indeed, they could not, since the most telling points in it could not be controverted. The government was extremely anxious to compose existing diffi- culties, and was disposed to be liberal in the terms of accom- modation, provided the promises its commissioners were pre- pared to make should, in the event of a treaty, be carried out. The Indians, however, smarting under the wrongs they had suffered, and, no doubt, prompted by the enemies of the United States, ^and believing, as they did, that such a natural boundary line as the Ohio river was absolutely necessary to be established between their lands and those of the whites, made it the sine qua non to any treaty arrangements, and thus staked their very existence upon a contest which must inevi- tably follow; for, in the condition of afl'airs as they then were, the settlements already made by the whites northwest of the Ohio rendered it impossible to conclude a treaty with that river as the boundary line, and hence there seemed to be no al'.ernativc but a resort to arms, to settle the pending dif- ficulty. Antei'ior to the first expedition, under Harmer, doubts were expressed by "Washington as to the^justice as well as the policy of offensive operations against the Indian tribes iu^ 72 OUE INDIAN WAEDS. the K'orthwest Territory. If, at an earlier day, and before any settlements were made in the Western Territory, the gov- ernment had operated through commissioners of high char- acter, proper arrangements might probably have been made with the Indian nations for the occupation of a portion of the country by the white people, and thus much of the suffering, and many of the terrible events which make such sad chap- ters in our early annals, might have been averted. In con- templating these events, it is only natural that our sympathies become deeply enlisted in behalf of those of our own race who struggled and suifered, and even met death, in the con- flict to open up the wilderness and found new states ; but we should not forget that the red man, whom our fathers found here, had his sufferings and trials also. He had not the means to write and publish them as they occurred, but suffi- cient is known to command for the Indian race our sincere sympathy. It can not be denied that the invasion and occupation of the territory northwest of the Ohio river was made anterior to any arnangement with the natives for that purpose. Had the lodian nations been civilized communities of our own race, but subjects or citizens of a foreign state, mankind would have admitted the justice of their cause, and such an address from them as the one sent by the confederate tribes to the United States commissioners, on the 13th of August, 1793, would have taken rank with the Declaration of Inde- pendence. Being " savages," the arguments and facts pre- sented by them to our commissioners were not answered and refuted, but, by military power, the Indians were confronted, and, being unable to make successful resistance, the red men were compelled to yield the boundary they had contended for, and submit to irresistible force. OUR INDIAN WARDS. 73 CHAPTER V. St. Clair's defeat communicated to Congress. — Akothbe campaign pro- jected. — Gen. Wayne assigned to command it. — The Indians defeated. — Treaty op Greenville. — A boundary or division line adopted. — More territory demanded prom the Indians. — Subsequent treaties and their effect. — Rupture between Tecumseh and Gen. Harrison. — Bat- tle OP Tippecanoe. — Tecumseh joins the British, and is killed at the battle op the Thames, etc. On the 9th of N'ovember, 1791, General St. Clair made re- port to the secretary of war, communicating the sad disaster that befell his army on the 4th of the month. On the 12th of December of the same year, the information was communi- cated to Congress, and on the 26th of December, the secre- tary submitted to the president a communication, in which suggestions and recommendations were made as to future operations. After discussing the yiolicy of the government toward the Indians, the futility, in his opinion, of all attempts to preserve peace, and the justice of the claim of the United States, he says : " Hence it would appear the principles of justice as well as policy, and it may be added the principles of economy, all combine to dictate that an adequate military force should be raised as soon as possible, placed upon the frontiers, and disciplined according to the nature of the ser- vice, and, in order to meet with the prospect of success, the greatest possible combination of the Indian enemy." The secretary recommended while this army was being organized the temporary employment of mounted volunteers, such as had in the border wars given fame to Kentucky, to operate in a desultory way against the Indians, thus occupying them in the protection of their own families and preventing " them iVora spreading terror and destruction along the frontiers." He further suggested " the expediency of employing tlie In- dians in alliance with us. against' the hostile Indians. The justice of engaging them (he said) will depend upon the jus- itice of the war. If the war be just upon our part, it will 74 OUR INDIAN WARDS. certainly bear the test of examination to use the same sort of" means in our defense as are used against us." In bis official report of St. Clair's defeat to Congress, the secretary said that " the great object of the campaign was to establish a strong military post at the Miami village, which was to be connected by posts to Fort Washington and the Oliio." The reply of the confederate Indian'nations from their general council at the foot of the rapids of the Maumee, to our commissioners, was : " Restore to us our country, and we shall be enemies no longer." However imperative the necessity for some military operations for the protection of the settlers in the Western' Territory, at the time, it is difficult to see how the war could be called a just war. However, after the defeat of St. Clair, another and more formidable military expedition was a fore- gone conclusion. St. Clair resigned, and his place was sup- plied by the appointment of Anthony Wayne, who, in June, 1792, moved westward, making Pittsburgh, for a time, his headquarters, where he commenced organizing an army which, it was said, ",was to be the ultimate argument of the Americans- with the Indian Confederation." While Wayne was organiz- ing and drilling his troops, which he denominated the Legion of the United States, Gen. Washington had instructed peace talks to be sent among the Indian nations. In the spring of 1793, Wayne's army arrived at Fort Washington (near Cincin- nati), and remained there until after the rejection by the Indian Confederation of the propositions made by our commissioners for a treaty. Early in October, 1793, he moved from Cincin- nati ; and on the 25th of the month a portion of his army oc- cupied the field of St. Clair's defeat. Here he immediately erected a fort, called Recovery, which was garrisoned and placed under a proper commander. On this field were found about six hundred human skulls, which were gathered up and buried. One of the officers wrote: " When we went to lay down in our tents at night, we had to scrape the bones together and carry them out." These were the sad memorials of the conflict between St. Clair's troops and the Indians. At this period the British were stimulating the Indians, and promis- ing them assistance. Some Pottawatomie Indians told Wayne that Governor Simcoe was stimulating and urging the In- OUE INDIAN WARDS. 75 dians to war ; that the speeches they " received from him were as red as blood ; all the wampum and feathers were painted red, and even the tobacco was painted red." Wayne himself remained at Greenville during the winter and spring. On the 30th of June, 1794, Fort Recovery was attacked by a large Indian force under the chief Little Turtle, who was the success- ful commander in the battle with St. Clair's troops. It was supposed that when he attacked Wayne's troops that he had from ten to fifteen hundred men, not all, however, Indians. He was repulsed. On the 26th of July, Wayne was joined by about sixteen hundred mounted volunteers from Kentucky. On the 8th of August, his army was at Grand Glaize, and pro- ceeded to build Fort Defiance. The Indians, on hearing of Wayne's movements, abandoned their towns before he reached the Glaize. While engaged on Fort Defiance, Wayne re- ceived full information as to the strength of the Indians, the probable aid they would get from Detroit, and all cir- cumstances necessary to be known, and decided to march for- ward without delay. Before doing this, however, he sent out a message to the Indians for compromise and peace, by a man named Miller, who had lived among the Shawanoes, and who had but recently been taken prisoner by one of Wayne's spies. He addressed this message : " To the Delawares, Shawanoes, Miamis, and Wyandots, and to each and every of them, and to all other Indian nations, northwest of the Ohio, whom it may concern. As commander-in-chief of the army and commissioner plenipotentiary of the United States of Amer- ica, for settling the terms upon which a permanent and lasting peace shall be made with each and every of the hostile In- dians northwest of the Ohio," he assured them that he was actuated by the purest principles of humanity, and urged by pity for the errors into which bad and designing men had led them, he once more from the head of his army extended the friendly hand of peace toward them, and invited them to ap- point deputies to meet him without delay, on his march, to set- tle the preliminaries of a lasting feace, which would eventually and soon restore to them, " the Delawares, Miamis, Shawa- noes, and all other tribes and nations lately settled on the margins of the Miami of the Lake and Auglaize rivers, your 76 OUR INDIAN" WARDS. late grounds and possessions, and preserve you and your dis- tressed and helpless women and children from danger and famine during the present fall and ensuing winter." He as- sured them that the arm of the United States was strong and powerful, but they loved mercy and kindness more than war and desolation. He pledged his honor for the safe return of any deputies they might appoint to meet him. Miller started with this message on the 13th of April, 1794, and, not having returned on the 15th, Wayne, on the 16th, put his army in motion, and on that day met Miller on his way back, with a message from the Indians, who desired Wayne to remain ten days at the Glaize, and in the meantime they would decide for peace or war. To ttis he made no reply, but kept his army moving forward. After proceeding about five miles, his advance received a severe fire from the Indians, who were se- creted in the woods and high grass. The savages were formed in three lines, within supporting distance of each other, and extending for near two miles at right angles with the river. They were in full force and in possession of their favorite ground. The battle was pressed with vigor, but an impetuous charge by the troops drove the savages and some Canadian militia, who were in the action, from their coverts in a short time. It was supposed the Indians and their allies numbered two thousand. Wayne's force engaged in the affair was less than that. Indeed, it is said it did not much exceed one thousand, but it was skillfully handled. The Indians were put to the rout, and took to flight, leaving Wayne's legion in full possession of the field. Every officer, from the generals down to the ensigns, received the commendation of the commander. The woods were strewn for a considerable distance with the dead bodies of Indians and their white auxiliaries, the latter armed with British muskets and bayo- nets. The army remained for three days on the banks of the Maumee, during which time all the houses of the Indians were consumed by fire, and the corn-fields destroyed for a con- siderable distance both above and below Fort Miami. Even within pistol-shot of the British garrison, at that place, the inmates were compelled to remain tacit spectators of the gen- eral conflagration and devastation. The houses, stores, and OUR INDIA.N WARDS. 77 property of the British Indian agent, Col. McKee, a principal stimulator of the Indians to war, were destroyed. The army returned by easy marches to Fort Defiance, lay- ing waste the villages and corn-fields of the Indians on each side of the Maumee for a distance of fifty miles. From thence Wayne reported the result of his campaign, and said, " there remains yet a great number of villages and a great quantity of corn to be consumed and destroyed upon the Auglaize and the Maumee, above this place, which will Be effected in a few days." Wayne remained at Fort Defiance until the 14th of September, when he set out for the Miami village, at the junction of the St. Joseph and St. Mary, to build the fortress which he called Fort Wayne. This was completed October 22, 1794. There was much sickness among the troops during this time, and they were short of rations. On the 28th of October the legion began its return march to Greenville. Here the volunteers were mustered out. The British agents and officials continued, after the army left the Maumee, to tamper with the Indians in order to induce them to abstaiti from any treaty arrangements with General Wayne. A Canadian who had purchased three American prisoners from the Indians, came to Fort Wayne to exchange them for some of his relatives, and while there stated that Governor Simcoe, Colonel McKee, and Captain Brant arrived at Fort Miami on the 30th ult. (September.) Brant had with him one hundred Mohawks and Massagoes. Governor Simcoe sent for the chiefs of the different hostile Indians, and invited them to meet him at the mouth of the Detroit river to hold a treaty. Simcoe, Colonel McKee, and Captain Brant, together with Blue Jacket, BuckengaleS; Little Turtle, Captain Johnny, and other chiefs of the Dela- .wares, Miamis, Shawanoes, Torwas, and Pottawatomies, set out accordingly for the place assigned for the treaty, about the first of October. The Indians, he said, were well and regularly supplied with ' provisions from the British maga- zines, at a place called Swan Creek, near the lake. General Wayne learned from some friendly Wyandots, that on the 10th of October the Indians met the British at the Big Eock, and were advised that their griefs were laid before the 78 OUR INDIAN WARDS. king, and Governor Simcoe insisted that they should not listen to any terms of peace from the Americans, but to pro- pose a truce or suspension of hostilities until spring, when a grand council or assemblage of all the warriors and tribes of Indians should take place, for the purpose of compelling the Americans to cross to the east side of the Ohio, and in the in- terim advise every nation to sign a deed of conveyance of all their lands on the west side of the Ohio to the king, in trust for the Indians, so as to give the British a pretext or color for as- sisting them, in case the Americans refused to abandon all their posts and possessions on the west side of the Ohio river, and which the Indians should warn them to do immediately after they were assembled in force in the spring; and to call upon the British to guarantee the lands thus ceded in trust, and to make a general attack on the frontiers at the same time ; that the British would be prepared to attack the Americans also, in every quarter, and would compel them to cross the Ohio, and ^ive up the lands to the Indians. Captain Brant also told them to keep a good heart and be strong ; to do as their father advised ; that he would return home for the present with his warriors and come again early in the spring, with an additional number, so as to have the whole summer before them to tight, kill, and pursue the Americans, who could not pos- sibly stand against the force and numbers that would be op- posed to them ; that he had been always successful and would insure them victory ; that he would not attack the Americans at this time, as it would only put them on their guard, and bring them upon the Indians in this quarter during the winter. Therefore, he advised the Indians to amuse the Americans with a prospect of peace, until they should collect in force to fall upon them early in the spring, and when least expected. At this time the Indians were in a pitiable condition. The crops and dwellings of all who lived in the Maumee and Au- glaize valleys had been destroyed. They were in a strait for subsistence. Whether the whites were subjects of Great Britain or citizens of the United States, their treatment of the red men was not such as to induce them to place im- plicit confidence in their promises. They were, however, OUE INDIAN WARDS. 79 aware that by the treaty of peace the English had renounced all their authority and rights in the western country, and notwithstanding the intrigues of Governor Simcoe many were inclined to make peace. Some were impressed with this feeling before Wayne's army came into the country. Such Indians from time to time advised Wayne of their de- sire for peace. The necessities of the Indians during the winter of 1794-5 were very great, and they were dependent on the English, who did not supply their wants. Their cattle perished, and their dogs died, and they were suffering for food — in fact, in a starving condition. Under such cii'- cumstances, and the absence of aid from the British, the In- dians began to yield and sue for peace. In the latter part of winter there was an exchange of prisoners, and with some tribes preliminary arrangements were made for a definite treaty in the following June. Early in this month deputies from the northwestern tribes began to arrive at Greenville, and on the sixteenth of the month the first formal council was held, with such of the deputies as were then present. Other chiefs and deputies continued to arrive, and the council continued to deliberate until the 30th of July, on which day the parties united upon the basis of an agreement which was to bury the hatchet forever. Between that day and the third of August it was engrossed, and on the last named day signed by " Anthony Wayne, Sole Commissioner on the part of the United States, and the Wyandot, Delaware, Shawanoe, Ot- tawa, Chippewa, Pottawatomie, Miami, Eel River, Wea, Kickapoo, Piankashaw, and Kaskaskia nations of Indians, by the deputies of those nations respectively." By the first article of this treaty, all hostilities were hence- forth to cease, and peace, which was to be perpetual, was estab- lished, and a friendly intercourse between these Indian tribes and the United States was to take place. By the second arti- cle all prisoners were to be restored. The following general boundai-y line between the lands of the United States and the lands of these Indian tribes, was es- tablished by the third article of the treaty, viz: Beginning "at the mouth of the Cuyahoga river, and running thence up the same to the portage, between that and the Tuscarawas branch 80 OUR INDIAN WARDS. of the Muskingum ; thence down that branch to the crossing place above Fort Lawrence (Laurens) ; thence westerly to a fork of the branch of the Great Miami river, running into the Ohio, at or near which fork stood Loramie's store, and where commences the portage between the Miami of the Ohio and St. Mary's river, which is a branch of the Miami, which runs into Lake Erie; thence a westerly course to Fort Recovery ; thence southwesterly in a direct line to the Ohio, so as to in- tersect that river opposite the mouth of the Kentucke or Cut- tawa river." The same article of the treaty has this stipula- tion in it: "In consideration of the peace now established; of the goods formerly received from the United States; of those now to be delivered ; of the yearly delivery of goods now stipulated to be made hereafter; and to indemnify the United States for the injuries and expenses they have sus- tained during the war, the said Indian tribes do hereby cede and relinquish forever, all their claims to the lands lying east- wardly and southwardly of the general boundary line now described; and these lands, or any part of them, shall never hereafter be made a cause or pretense, on the part of the said tribes, or any of tbem, of war or injury to the United States, or any of the people thereof" In addition to the territory thus ceded to the United States, " as an evidence of the re- turning friendship of said Indian tribes, and of their confi- dence in the United States, and desire to provide for their accommodation, and for that convenient intercourse which will be beneficial to both parties," they cede to the govern- ment some fifteen separate pieces of land, in quantities rang- ing from two to twelve miles square, together with the posts of Detroit and Michilimackinac, with considerable land at- tached to each. Some of these reservations were adjacent to the Mississippi, and all in the unceded country. A free pas- sage by land and water was guaranteed to the people of the United States, through the Indian country, to these posts, as well as the free use of the harbors and mouths of rivers along the lakes adjoining the Indian lands, for sheltering vessels and boats, and liberty to land their cargoes when necessary for safety. In consideration of the peace established, and the cessions OUR INDIAN WARDS, 81 and relinquishments of lands made by the Indians in the third article, it was stipulated in the fourth article of the treaty, tliat in order to manifest the liberality of the govern- ment, and as a means of rendering this peace strong and per- petual, " the United States relinquishei their claims to all other Indian lands northward of the river Ohio, eastward of the Mississippi, and westward and southward of the great lakes and the waters uniting them, according to the boundary line agreed on by the United States and the king of Great Brit- ain, in the treaty of peace made between them in the year 178-3." There was, however, excepted from this relinquish- ment a tract of one hundred and fifty thousand acres, near the falls of the Ohio, which had been assigned to General Clark, for the use of himself and his warriors, the post of Vincennes, on the Wabash, and the lauds adjacent, to which the Indian title had been extinguished; the lands at such other places in possession of the French people, and other Avhite settlers among them, to which the Indian title was also extinguished, and the post of Fort Massac, toward the mouth of the Ohio ; to all which parcels of land so excepted the Indians relinquished all the title and claim which they, or any of them, ever had. Goods to the amount of twenty thousand dollars were de- livered to the Indian tribes, and the receipt thereof acknowl- edged by them, and it was covenanted that " henceforward, every year, forever, the United States will deliver at some con- venient place northwest of the Ohio, like useful goods, suited to the circumstances of the Indians, of the vahie of nine thou- sand five hundred dollars, reckoning that value at the first cost of the goods, in the city or place in the United States where they shall be procured. Such goods to be divided thus: To the Wyandots, Delawares, Shavvanoes, Miamis, Ottawas, Chippewas, Pottaw^atomies, each one thousand dollars ; and to the Kickapoos, "Weas, Eel Rivers, Piankashaws, andKaskas- kias, each, five hundred dollars. To prevent any misunder- standing about any of the Indian lands, to which the United States relinquished all claim in the fourth article of the treaty, it was in the fifth article thereof " explicitly declared^ that the t) 82 OUR INDIAN WARDS. meaning of that relinquishment is this : The Indian tribes who have a right to these lands, are quietly to enjoy them, hunt- ing, planting, and dwelling thereon, so long as they please, without any molestation from the United States ; but when those tribes, or any of them, shall be disposed to sell their lands, or any part of them, they are to be sold only to the United States ; and until such sale the United States will pro- tect all tlie said Indian tribes in the quiet enjoyment of their lands, against all citizens of the United States, and against all other white persons who intrude upon the same." The sixth article provides that " if any citizen of the United States, or any other white person or persons, shall presume to settle upon the lands now relinquished by the United States, such citizen, or other person, shall be out of the protection of the United States, and the Indians, on whose land the settlement shall be made, may drive off the settler, or punish him in such manner as they shall think fit ; and because such settle- ments, made without the consent of the United States, will be injurious to them as well as to the Indians, the United States shall be at liberty to break them up, and remove and punish the settlers as they shall think proper, and so effect that protection of the Indian lands hereinbefore stipulated." By the treaty, the Indians were allowed to hunt upon the lands ceded to the United States, without hindrance or mo- lestation, so long as they demeaned themselves peaceably and offered no injury to the people of the United States ; stringent provisions for trade with the Indians were incorporated ; and it was agreed that, for injuries done by individuals, on either side, no private revenge or retaliation should take place; but instead thereof, complaint shall be made by the party injured to the other, and such prudent measures then be pur- sued as will be necessary to preserve peace and friendship un- broken, until the great council of the United States shall make equitable provision in the case, to the satisfaction of both parties. Other beneficial and precautionary provisions were incorporated in this treaty. There are but few of the many Indian treaties that we have made with the red man, that are so painstaking and comprehensive in their provisions as Wayne's treaty of Greenville. Withal, it was deceptive, OUR INDIAKT WARDS. 83 and very soon worked injury to the Indians, who supposed they had a full guaranty to the country relinquished to them. The fatal point was in this — while it guaranteed to the Indians the unmolested occupancy of the lands north, west, and south of the general boundary line described in the treaty, the numerous reservations set apart in this country thus guaran- teed, with the right of way to each, virtually opened the In- dian country to invasion by the whites, who were not slow in improving the opportunity thus offered to intrude on the In- dian lands. It was, however, effective in this — it left the citizens of the United States in the possession and enjoyment of all the lands lying eastwardly and southwardly of the gen- eral boundary line described in the third article. There is one noticeable fact connected with this " general boundary line," and that is, by it the Miami village, the establishment of a strong military post at which was the prime object of General St. Clair's campaign in 1791, is left in the country relinquished by the United States to the Indian tribes. The experience of General "Washington, and his personal knowledge of border wars that took place years before our war for independence, between the Indians and parties that sought to make settlements on their lands, caused him to give the matter of the public domain, and the settlement of the same, much thought, and in 1783, in a letter written to James Dnane, then in Congress, he unfolded the difficulties that lay in the way of occupying and settling the lands acquired by the treaty of peace. Many schemes were suggested by enter- prising and speculative characters, for disposing of the public lands, looking to their absorption in large grants, without re- gard to the rights of the Indian population. In his letter, Washington insisted that settlements should be made com- pact ; that it should be made felony to survey or settle on any lauds west of a line to be designated by Congress ; that no land should be purchased from the Indians, except by the sovereign power ; and prophesied the renewal of border wars, endino- in great sacrifice of life and expenditure of money, if stringent measures were not adopted. The events follow- ino- proved the wisdom of his suggestions, although they were not carried out. The Congress of the Confederation did, it is 84 OUR INDIAN WARDS. true, pass some resolutions and adopt some ordinances of a salutary nature, but they were not regarded. The result was an Indian war of some years' duration, which, however de- sirous we may be to palliate it, can not be justified. At the close of Wayne's campaign, the Indians were re- duced and impoverished. Those inhabiting the Maumee and Auglaize valleys were left destitute. In one of the letters Wayne wrote from Grand Glaize, he said : " The margins of these beautiful rivers, the Miami of the Lake and Auglaize, appear like one continued village for a number of miles, both above and below this place ; nor have I ever before beheld such immense fields of corn in any part of America, from Canada to Florida." All these were destroyed, simply and only to gratify the rapacity of the white man. For several jesiYS after the treaty of Greenville, but few difficulties occur- red between the Indians and the whites. The former in a good degree remembered the covenants of the treaty, and there seemed to be land sufficient in the ceded country to sat- isfy, for the time, the avarice of the latter. But as settle- ments extended and began to approach the boundary line, it was deemed necessary to request our red " brothers " to enter into treaty relations again. More land was demanded ; and on the 7th day of June, 1803, General William Henry Har- rison, "Governor of Indiana Territory, Superintendent of Indian Affairs, and Commissioner Plenipotentiary of the United States, for concluding any treaty or treaties which may be found necessary with any of the Indian tribes north- west of the river Ohio, of the one part, and the tribes of Indians called the Delawares, Shawanoes, Pottawatomies, Miamis, and Kickapoos, by their chiefs and head warriors, and those of the Eel Rivers, Weas, Piankashaws, and Kas- ktiskias, by their agents and representatives, Tuthinipoe, Winnemar, Eichardville, and Little Turtle (who are properly authorized by said tribes), of the other part," convened at Fort Wayne, and entered into a treaty. As early as 1788, the Indians in the Jforthwest Territory notified the United States government that, by a regulation of their confedera- tion or league, no treaty for a cession of territory would be binding, unless all the Indian nations belonging to the con- OUE INDIAN WARDS, 85 federacy united in the agreement. It was because of the absence of deputies from many of the Indian nations belong- ing to the confederacy that the validity of the treaties of Fort Mcintosh and Fort Harmer were denied. To enforce these treaties was one of the objects of the campaigns of Harmer and St. Olair ; and in 1794, the Indians, on this account, refused to meet the government commissioners, and hence the campaign of General Wayne. It is to be presumed that when Wayne entered into negotiations, in 1795, at Green- ville, he had present delegates representing all the nations in the Indian confederacy, and that they were parties to the agreement. It is observed that the Chippewas and Ottawas, two very important tribes who were parties to the treaty of Greenville, were not parties to the treaty of Fort Wayne. Moreover, several of the tribes who were parties to this treaty, appear to have been there only by agents or representatives. On the 22d day of August, only two months after the exe- cution of the Fort Wayne treaty. Governor Harrison made another treaty at Vineennes; the Indian tribes represented being the Eel Eiver, Wyandot, Piankashaw, and Kaskaskia nations, and also the Kickapoos, "by their representatives, the chiefs of the Eel Eiver nation." The Delawares, Shawa- noes, Ottawas, Chippewas, and Miamis were absent. On the 4th of July, 1805, Charles Jowett, as commissioner on the part of the tlnited States, made a treaty at Fort In- dustry, with the Wyandots, Ottawas, Chippewas, Murisees, Delawares, Shawanoes, and Pottawatomies. The Kickapoos, Weas, Piankashaws, and Xaskaskias were absent. On the 25th of August, 1805, Governor Harrison made a treaty at Grouceland, near Vineennes, with the Delawares, Pottawatomies, Miamis, Eel Rivers, and Weas. The Wyan- dots, Shawanoes, Ottawas, Chippewas, Piankashaws, and Kas- kaskias were absent. On the 17th of ITovember, 1807, Governor William Hull, of the Michigan Territory, made a treaty at Detroit, at which only the Chippewas, Ottawas, Pottawatomies, and Wyandots were represented. On the 25th of November, 1808, Governor Hull made a treaty at Brownstown, at which only the Chippewas, Otta- 86 OUR INDIAN WARDS. was, Pottawatomies, "Wyandots, and Shawanoes were repre- sented. On the 30th of September, 1809, Governor W. H. Harrison made a treaty at Fort "Wayne, in which only the Delawares, Pottawatomies, and Miamis were represented. All these treaties were for cessions of land ; and thus in the space of fifteen years it is seen that "Wayne's treaty of 1795, with all its excellent provisions for the government and j)ro- tection of the Indians, was not only substantially obliterated, and vast bodies of the lands assured by it to the Indian na- tions were transferred to the white man, the original proprie- tors dispossessed, and wherever found were a broken-down, disheartened, and miserable people. As cession after cession of land was obtained from the In- dians, by this process of almost continual treaty-making, Te- cumseh and his brother, the Prophet, as well as other leading Indians, became alarmed, and set about to revive the con- federacy and form a union of the tribes to prevent further cessions as well as settlements on their lands. Anothet pur- pose they had in view was to attempt a reformation of the habits of the Indians, many of whom, through despondency, had become much addicted to the use of liquor, by which they were made unfit for intelligent action. Byjhe treaiy of^lSIlQ^^jaLl'ojVWajne, certain lands on the Wabash were ceded to the United States. Tecumseh entered a bitter protest against these treaties, and notably against this Fort Wayne treaty. The land ceded by this treaty was in the valley of the Wabash, and while the length of the cession could not be determined by the language of the treaty, it is provided that the tract shall not be less in width, at the nar- rowest point, than thirty miles. In an interview with Gov- ernor Harrison, after this treaty was made, Tecumseh insisted that there must be no more cessions of land acquired by trea- ties made with but a fragment of the Indian nations inter- ested, and that the petty village chiefs were not the parties authorized to make treaties. He insisted that the principle must be recognized that no purchase could be made unless sanctioned by a council representing all the tribes parties to the Wayne treaty of 1795, as one nation. He had been OUE INDIAN WARDS. 87 charged to the governor with having threatened to kill the chiefs who signed the treaty of 1809, and this he admitted to be true. He recited in an earnest manner the aggressions of the whites upon the Indians and the wrong done them; and while he disclaimed any intention of making war on the peo- ple of the United States, he declared it to be his unalterable resolution to oppose any further incursions of the whites upon the domain of the Indinns. "When it is remembered that the Shawanoes were among the most influential of the tribes par- ties to the treaty of 1795, and that they were specially inter- ested in the land on the Wabash, ceded by the treaty of 1809, and yet that there is not the nanie-o£-a.siuglfi_Sliawatioe at- tached tr:> thnt trpat-y; it wmiH seem tkat Teeumseh had good cause to express dissatisfaction. It would have required more than ordinary grace to have restrained the wrath of a repre- sentative of a civilized community, and induced him to pa- tiently submit under like circumstances. Teeumseh was, strictly speaking, neither a war nor a peace chief, but withal was regarded a sagacious and brave warrior and a wise and efficient counselor. In the reply of Governor Harrison to the speech of this chief, at the interview referred to, the in- terpreter was interrupted by the Indian, who said that all that the governor stated was false, and that he and the Sev- enteen Fires (the United States) had cheated and imposed upon the Indians. The governor did not attempt to explain — indeed, it is not seen how he could; but told the chief that he was a bad man, and that he would hold no farther com- munication with him, and thus the interview ended. For some time previous to this interview which closed so abruptly. Governor Harrison had, in view of the movements of Te- eumseh and his brother, been looking to a conflict as prob- able, and immediately after the chief left Vincennes proceeded to prepare for a contest, by strengthening the militia and posting the regular troops that were with him. Teeumseh had said that the lands ceded by the treaty of 1809 must be given up and no more treaties made with village chiefs, at)d unless this was acceded to, his effort to unite all the Indians in hostility would be continued, and hence war seemed to be a foregone conclusion. At this juncture snndry deputations, 88 OUR INDIAN WARDS. from such of the natives as felt their weakness, came and promised peace and compliance, but Governor Harrison put his troops in the field, and on the 5th of October, 1811, was on the Wabash, about sixty-five miles above Vincennes, where he built Fort Harrison. On the 31st of the month he was at the mouth of the Vermillion, where he built a block -house; from thence he advanced for the Prophet's town, and with- out interruption, on the 6th of N^ovember reached its vi- cinitj'. Here he was met by Indian embassadors, whom he informed that he had no hostile intentions if the Indians were true to existing treaties. Of course he meant the treaties made subsequent to the treaty of 1795, all of which were made by only portions of tribes parties to that treaty, and hence not in tbe judgment of many of the Indians binding upon them. Harrison encamped thnt night on a piece of dry oak land, indicated by the chiefs, who, he said before they left, united with him in a mutual promise for a suspension of hostilities, " until an interview could be had on the following day." His camp was near the Indian town, and the Indians doubting his profession that he had no hostile intent in in- vading their country with an army, attacked him on the morning of the 7th of November, before day, and after a vig- orous contest were repulsed and driven by the infantry and dragoons into a marsh, where they could not be followed. The Americans lost in the battle thirty-seven killed, and had one hundred and fifty-one wounded, twenty-five of whom were mortally wounded. Forty Indians were killed ; the number of wounded unknown. There was no further oper- ation by the troops, and on the 4th of December, Governor Harrison wrote that the frontiers never enjoyed more perfect repose. / In Tuttle's history of Michigan (1873), when speaking of the events which occurred about this pex'iod, it is said : " These new troubles were indeed nothing more than the Americans might have expected. The Indians saw a new power en- croaching upon the- inheritance handed down to them from their ancestors. It was not difficult, therefore, to unite them in one last desperate effort to resist this usurping power. Their titles had been only partially extinguished, and they OUR INDIAN WAKDS. 89 complained that where this had been done, the treaties had been unfairly conducted ; that the Indians had been deceived; that they were in a state of intoxication at the time they signed away their lauds, and that even under those circum- stances, only a part of the tribes had given their consent." Tecumseh was absent among the southern Indians at the time of the battle of Tippecanoe, and on his return reproached his brother, the Prophet, for his indiscretion. By his impru- dence in attacking Harrison's army, at Tippecanoe, the Prophet had, in the judgment of Tecumseh, ruined the scheme of the projected confederacy. He, however, imme- diately sent word to Harrison, that he had returned home from the south, and was prepared to make a visit to "Wash- ington, to see the president, which tad some time before been proposed. The governor gave him permission to go, but not to conduct a party of Indians, which, was desired. The pro- posed visit on these terms was declined, and all intercourse terminated. At Fort Wayne, some time after this, Tecumseh disavowed to the Indian agent any intention to make war on the United (States, and reproached Governor Harrison for in- vading his country with troops, during his absence in the south. To the reply of the agent, the chief listened with great indifference, and thereafter departed for Maiden, in Upper Canada, and went into the British service. This gave him power to do much injury, and be was active. As an evidence of this it may be stated that as soon as Hull had re- treated out of Canada, and Mackinac had fallen into the hands of the British, Tecumseh sent a messenger to the Pot- tawatomies, then residing near Fort Dearborn (Chicago), in- forming them of the fact, and urging tbem to arm immedi- ately. The sad fate of the troops then in the garrison there is known to all ; and the conflicts in the Northwest, during the war of 1812, in which the British had as allies numerous bands of the Indian nations, who were parlies to Wayne's treaty of 1795, and the aid they rendered the British cause, are matters of history. In the month »f October, 1813, at the battle of the Thames, in Canada, a novel charge was made by the Kentucky cavalry, and this produced a panic, under which the main body of the British troops yielded at once ; 90 OUR INDIAN WAEDS. but their Indian allies fought with great courage. In the contest, Tecumseh, the great Shawanoe chief, fell. After the defeat of Hull and the victories gained by the British and Indians in the itTorthwest, tho people in the West- ern states became much excited, especially against the In- dians. 'So one stopped to inquire how the denizens of the forest had become involved in the war; it was sufficient to know that they were engaged in it. The fact that they were not all on one side seemed not to be considered. Governor Edwards, of Illinois, was soon engaged in organizing troops and fitting out an expedition to operate against the Indians on the Illinois river. Colonel Russell, of the 17th U. S. regi- ment, was engaged in raising troops, called rangers, to co- operate with Governor Reynolds; and General Hopkins, a revolutionai-y veteran, was in command of Kentucky troops. He was to move up the Wabash to Fort Harrison, with a large force, destroying all the Indian villages on or near the river; thence to cross over to the Illinois country, and down the Sangamon and the Vermillion, laying waste and destroy- ing all Indian villages on his route, and then join Edwards, and destroy the villages on the Illinois river. He wrote, on the 29th September, to Governor Shelby, of Kentucky, and said : " My present intention is to attack every settlement on the Wabash, and destroy their property, then fall upon the Illinois, and I trust in all the next month to perform much of it." Insubordination among his troops prevented hira from effecting much of this. Governor Reynolds' expedition was more successful, but many of the Indian villages which he destroyed were abandoned by the inhabitants, and hence their lives were not at his mercy. Many sad incidents oc- curred, but it is not necessary to chronicle them. What is stated is sufficient to show the temper of the superior race toward the natives. At the close of the war a treaty was held at Greenville, with the Wyandots, Delawares, Shawanoes, and Seneeas, who adhered in the warto the United States. General Harrison and Governor Cass represented the United States. Among the provisions of the treaty was one giving peace to the Miamis, Weas, and Eel River Indians, and portions of the Pot- OUR INDIAN WAEDS. 91 tawatomies, Ottawas, and Kickapoos, who wei*e engaged in the British service; and all these tribes agreed to aid the Ameri- cans, should the war continue. Happily it was at an ead. This period was one in which the Indian population in the Northwest suffered sadly. Some tribes were almost annihi- lated, and all were badly demoralized; and none were favor- ably impressed with the civilization of the white man. The impressions of an unfavorable character remained fresh in the memory of the Indians during the lives of the actors, and were transmitted by them to their children. 92 OUR INDIAN WARDS. CHAPTER VL Early treaties with the Cherokees, Choctaws, Chickasaws, akd Creeks. — Message op President Monroe, and views of John C. Calhoon, Secre- tary OP War, recommending the removal of the Indian nations re- siding EAST of the Mississippi river to the west side, — Views op James Barbour, Secretarv of War, on the same subject. — Message op President Jackson recommending this removal. — Act of Congress pro- viding FOR the same passed May 28, 1830. The first treaty made with an Indian nation, within the territory south of the Ohio and east of the Mississippi, was with the Cherokees. This country was designated as the Territory of the United States south of the river Ohio. The treaty is known as the treaty of Hopewell. By it a definite boundary hetween the Indian lands and those of "the citizens of the United States, within the limits of the United States," was fixed, and it was stipulated that if any citizen of the United States, or other person, not being an Indian, "shall attempt to settle on any of the lands westward or southward of the said boundary, or having already settled on, and will not remove from the same, within six months after the rati- fication of the treaty, such person shall forfeit the protection of the United States, and the Indians may punish him or not as they please." From their peculiar situation certain per- sons who had settled between the French Broad and Holsteia rivers were excepted from this penalty. It was stipulated in the treaty "that the hatchet shall be buried /orewr, and the peace given by the United States, and the friendship re-estab- lished between the said States on the one part, and all the Cherokees on the other, shall be universal;" and that "the Indians may have full confidence in the United States, re- specting their interests, they shall have the right to send a deputy of their choice, when they think tit, to Congress." This treaty was executed on tiie 28th of November, 1785. On the 2d of July, 1791, another treaty with the Cherokees was entered into " on the bank of the Holstein, near French OUE INDIAN WAEDS. 93 Broad, within the limits of the United States." William Blount, governor of the territory south of the river Ohio, was the commissioner on the part of the United States. By this treaty a new "boundary between the citizens of the United States and the Cherokee nation" was established, and in order to preclude forever all disputes relative to the said boundary, it was agreed that " the same shall be ascertained and marked plainly, by three persons appointed by the United States, and three Cherokees, on the part of their nation." For a consideration named, the Indians did release and quitclaim, relinquish and cede to the United States all the land to the right of the boundary line described; and " the United States solemnly guaranteed to the Cherokees all their lands not hereby ceded." It was also again provided that " if any citizen of the United States, or other person, not being an Indian, shall settle on any of the Cherokees' lands, such person shall forfeit the protection of the United States, and the Cherokees may punish him or not, as they please." It was in this treaty further stipulated that " no citizen or in- habitant of the United States shall attempt to hunt or destroy the game on the lands of the Chei'okees; nor shall any citizen or inhabitant go into the Cherokee country without a pass- port first obtained from the governor of some one of the United States, or territorial districts, or such other person as the president may designate." Between July 2, 1791, and February 27, 1819, twelve ad- ditional treaties were made with the Cherokees, being at the rate of one for every two and a half years. In the fall of the year 1808, a deputation of Cherokees, representing both the upper and lower towns, visited Washington City; the first named to inform the President of their great desire to engage in the pursuits of agriculture and civilized life, in the country then occupied by them, and to advise him that as all the nation could not be induced to join them in this new life, that it was desired by them to establish a division line be- tween the upper and lower towns, and thus by concentrating their society within narrow limits, they proposed to begin the establishment of fixed laws and regular government; the dep- uties of the lower towns to make known their desire to con- 94 OUR INDIAN WARDS. tinue the hunter life, and also the scarcity of game where they then lived, and their wish to remove across the Missis- sippi, on some vacant lands of the United States. To this the president said : " The United States, my children, are the friends of both parties. Those who remain may be assured of our patronage, or aid and good neighborhood. Those who wish to remove, are permitted to send an exploring party to reconnoiter the country on the waters of the Arkan- sas and White rivers, and the higher up the better, as they will be the longer unapproached by our settlements." In process of time those who wished to emigrate did do so, and settled on lands of the United States on the Arkansas- and "White rivers. On the 8th of July, 1817, deputies from the Cherokee nation east, as well as deputies from those who had removed to the Arkansas, met at the Cherokee agency, within the Cherokee nation, General Andrew Jackson and Joseph McMinn, governor of Tennessee, to execute a treaty relin- quishing to the United States all the right, title, and interest of the western Cherokees, to all lands of right belonging to them as a part of the nation, "which they have and are about to leave, proportioned to their numbers, inchiding with those then on the Arkansas, those about to leave, and also to make an equal distribution of the annuities due to the whole nation." These objects effected, the treaty provided for a census to be taken ; a new boundary line was established, by which the United States acquired a portion of the Cherokee territory, and guaranteed aid to those who removed. Other provisions beneficial to the Cherokees who remained, as well as to those who removed, were incorporated in this treaty. The new boundary line betweca the lands ceded to the United States and those remaining to the Indians, was to be run by United States commissioners, accompaBiedr'ByNmchcaBiflTO->, ^.^6io»«i«5^as the Cherokees may appoint, and the faith of the government given to prevent the intrusion of any of its citi- zens into the Cherokee lands. The treaty of 1819 provided that the annuity due the Cherokee nation should be puid, two-thirds to the Cherokees east of the Mississippi, and one- third to the Cherokees west of that river, and reiterated the OUR INDIAN WARDS. 95 pledge that the boundary line to designate the lands ceded by it should be I'un by joint commissioners, and " that all white people who have intruded or may hereafter intrude on the lands reserved for the Cherokees, shall be removed by the United States." The first treaty between the Choctaw nation of Indians and the United States was made at Hopewell, on the 3il day of January, 1786. By it a boundary line defining the limits of the Ohoctaws was established, and it was provided, that " if any citizen of the United States, or other person, not being an Indian, should attempt to settle on any of the lands allotted to the Indians, such person should forfeit the protection of the United States, and the Indians might punish him, or not, as they pleased; the hatchet was har'ied forever ; " and it was affirmed, that " the peace given by the United States, and friendship re-established between the said states and the Choc- taw nation, shall be universal." Between that date and the 20th of January, 1825, seven additional treaties were made with the Choctaws. The second one was made on the 17th December, 1801. In it, the contracting parties agreed, " that the old line of demarcation heretofore established by and be- tween the officers of his Brittanic majesty and the Choctaw nation, shall be retraced, and plainly marked in such a way and manner as the president may direct, in the presence of two persons to be appointed by the said nation ; and that the said line shall be the boundary between the settlements of the Mississippi Territory and the Choctaw nation." By the same treaty, the Indians did relinquish to the United States and quitclaim forever, all their right, title, and pretension to the land lying between the said line and the Mississippi river. All white persons residing within the Choctaw countrj^ were to be removed outside of the same toward the Mississippi river, together with their slaves, household furniture, tools, materials, and stock, and the cabins or houses erected by such persons were to be demolished. Japtes-W^Ugus qti, com missioner on the part of the United States, accompanied byTCETngo Pooscoos and Alatta Ilooma, OhoctaLffi^^oramissioners, did run and distinctly mark this di- visionliiivi aua T epm'ttitr their proceedings on the 31st nf 96 OUR INDIAiSr WARDS. August, 1803. Their report concludes thus: " And we, the said commissioners plenipotentiary, do ratify and confirm the said line of demarcation, and do recognize and acknowledge the same to be the boundary which shall separate and dis- tinguish the land ceded to the United States, between the Tombigbee, Mobile, and Pascagola rivers, from that which has not been ceded by the said Choctaw nation." By the treaty made in November, 1805, the Choctaws ceded a portion of their country to the United States ; by the treaty made in October, 1816, another portion is ceded; by the treaty of October 18, 1820, for and in consideration of a ces- sion of another portion of the Choctaw country to the United States, there was ceded to said nation a tract of country west of the Mississippi river, situate between the Arkansas and Eed rivei's, the boundary lines of which were to be ascertained and distinctly marked, bv^eemaaissioners to be appointed for that purpose, to be acc(?mpanied" bystich person as the Choc- taws may select ; and for the purpose of assisting such of the Choctaws as wish to remove to the country west, aid was to be given them on the journey, and for one year after their arrival at their new home. Ey the treaty of January 20, 1825, the Choctaws ceded another portion of their land, east of the Mississippi, to the United States. The first treaty between the United States and the Chicka- saw nation was made at Hopewell, on the 10th of January, 1786. By this treaty a boundary line was established between the lands allotted to the Chickasaws and those set apart to the Chero- kees and Choctaws, and those in possession of the Creeks ; and it was provided, that " the hatchet shall be buried for- ever, and the peace given by the United States of America and the friendship re-established between the said states and the Chickasaw nation shall be universal." It was also stipulated, that if any citizen of the United States, or other person, not being an Indian, shall attempt to settle on any of the lands hereby allotted to the Chickasaws, such person shall forfeit the protection of the United States, and the Indians may punish him, or not, as they please. Between the date of this treaty and October 19, 1818, the Chickasaws made four a(^itioual treaties, OUR INDIAN WAEDS. 97 in some of whicli cessions of land were conveyed to the United States. The first treaty made with the Creek Indians was on the 7th of August, 1790. By this treaty a boundary between the citizens of the United States and the Creek nation was es- tablished ; and, to prevent disputes, this line was to be ascer- tained by an able surveyor, on the part of the United States, assisted by three old citizens of Georgia and three old Creek chiefs, appointed for that purpose; and that said boundary be rendered distinct, it was agreed that, where necessary, it shonld be marked by a line of felled trees, at least twenty feet wide. All claims of the Creeks to other lands were extinguished forever. The United States solemnly guaranteed to the Creeks all their land defined by the established bound- ary ; and provided that if any citizen of the United States, or other person, not being an Indian, should attempt to set- tle on any of the Creek lands, such person should forfeit the protection of the United States, and the Creeks might punish him or not, as they please. It is declared that there shall be perpetual peace and friendship between all thfe citizens of the United States, and all the individuals, towns, and tribes, of the upper, middle, and lower Creeks, and Seminoles, composing the Creek nation of Indians. Between the date of this treaty and the 12th of February, 1825, seven additional treaties wei'e made with these Indians. These, with.but one- exception, were for the cession of additional territory to the United States. One of them, made on the 9th of August, J^lJi^was with General Andrew Jackson, the commander of the United States troops, then engaged in a war with the Creeks, and was an agreement and capitulation. By it they ceded to the United States a large body of land, as an equivalent for the expenses of the war; and the ftiited States guaranteed to them the integrity of the residue_of their country. The articles of the treaty were to constitute the basis of a permanent peace between the government and the Creek nation. — By the eighth and last article of the treaty the Creeks ceded to the United States all their lands, within the State of Georgia, and also all other lands which thejr 7 98 OUK INDIAN WAEBS. then occupied, or to which they made claim, lying north and west of a line to be run from the first principal falls upon the Chattahooche river, above Cowetan town, to Ockfuskee Old Town, upon the Tallapoosa; thence to the falls of Coosaw river, at or near a place called the Hickory Ground ; and the United States agreed to give, in exchange for this cession, the like quantity of land, acre for acre, westward of tiie Missis- sippi river, on the Arkansas river, and to pay them for their improvements, their losses in removal, and for the purchase of" supplies in their new home, the sum of four hundred thousand dollars. After the close of the war of 1812, there was a constant pressure for the extinguishment of the Indian title to lands in the territory northwest of the river Ohio. But little effort was made by the government to resist this pressure. Indeed, it seemed, in order to appease it, that the services of William Henry Harrison, Lewis Cass, Duncan McArthur, John Gra- ham, Benjamin Park, Niuian Edwards, William Clark, Au- gustus Chouteau, Solomon Sibly, Jonathan Jennings, and manj' others, were in almost constant demand as commis- sioners, on the part of the United States, to negotiate with tribe after tribe of the Indian population, with a view to ob- tain cessions of their lauds. In the progress of these events, and nearly fifty years after the declaration of our independence, and more than forty years after our treaty of peace in 1783, with England, the president of the United States, on the 27th of January, 1825, i then near the close of a term of eight years' eervice, in a message to Congress, urged the removal of the Indian tribes, from the^iands then occupied by them within the several states and oijganized territories, to the west of the Missis- sippi river,^otwith8tanding the United States had in some form, in its treaties with these tribes, guaranteed to each of them forever a portion of the territory on which it then re- sided. This message was induced by the demand of the State of Georgia, that the title of the Cherokee Indians to their lands in that state should, without delay, be extinguished. In the Compact of 1802^Jbetween Georgi a and the United States, the latter had agreedto~^tinguish the iScIiaii title OUB INBIAN WARDS. 99 80 soon as it could be done " peaceably and on reasonable terms." The Indians were not a party to the compact, and by the treaty of Hopewell, in 1785, between the government and the Cherokees, the limits of their lands within the State -of Georgia, and elsewhere, were defined, and it was stipulated that if any citizen of the United States, or other person, not being an Indian, should attempt to settle in the Cherokee country, or having so settled will not remove within the space of six months after the ratification of the treaty, such an one "shall forfeit the protection of the United States, and the Indians may punish him or not, as they please." By the treaty of Holstein, in 1791, this boundary was reaffirmed, iind in 1797, the lines were ascertained and marked, in pursu- ance of the provision of the treaty of 1791. At the time of the compact of 1802, between Georgia and the United States, a,ll these facts were known. Ifo such compact existed he-^/ tween the United States and any other state. In his message, President Monroe said : " Experience has clearly demonstrated that, in their present state, it is impos- sible to incorporate them [the Indians] in such masses, in any form whatever, into our system. It has been demonstrated with equal certainty, that, without a timely anticipation of, and provision against, the dangers to which they are exposed, under causes which it will be difficult, if not impossible, to control, tljeirMegradation and extermination will be inevita- ble. The great o^eet to be accomplished is, the removal of those tribes to the territory designated, on conditions which shall be satisfactory to themselves and honorable to the United States. This can be done only by conveying to each tribe a ^ood title to an adequate portion of land to which it may consent to remove, and providing for it there a gjistem of in- ternal government, which shall protect their property from invasion, and, by regular progress of improvement and civili- zation, prevent that degeneracy which has generally njarked the transition from one to the other state." The president continued thus: "I transmit herewith a report from the secretary of war, which presents the best estimate which can be formed from the documents in that department, of the uum-* l)er of Indians within our states and territories, and of the 100 OUR INDIAN WARDS. amount of land held by the several tribes within each; of the- state of the country lying northward and westward thereof,, within our acknowledged boundaries ; of the parts to which the Iiidian title has been extinguished ; and of the conditions on which other parts, in an amount which may be adequate to the objects contemplated, may be obtained. By this re- port, it appears that the Indian title has already been extin- guished to extensive tracts in that quarter, and that other portions may be acquired, to the extent desired, on very mod- erate conditions. Satisfied, I also am, that the removal pro- posed, is not only practicable, but that the advantages attend- ing it, to the Indians, may be made so apparent that all the tribes, even the most opposed, may be induced to accede to it. " The digest of a government, with the consent of the In- dians, which should be endowed with sufficient power to meet all the objections contemplated, to collect the several tribes together in a bond of unity, and preserve order in each ; to prevent intrusions on their property; to teach tliem, by regu- lar instruction, the arts of civilized life; and make them a civilized people, is an object of very high importance. It is the powerful consideration which we have to offer to these tribes, as an inducement to relinquish the lands on which they now reside, and to remove to those which are desig- nated. It is not doubted that this arrangement will present considerations of sufficient force to surmount all their preju- dices in favor of the soil of their nativity, however strong- they may be. Their elders have sufficient intelligence to dis- cern the certain progress of events, in the present train, and. sufficient virtue, by yielding to momentary sacrifices, to pro- tect their families and posterity from inevitable destruction. They will ^Iso perceive that they may thus attain an eleva- tion, to which, as communities, they could not otherwise aspire. " To the United States the arrangement offers many im- portant advantages, in addition to those which have been enumerated. By the establishment of such a government over these tribes, with their consent, we become, in reality,, their benefactors. The relation of conflicting interests, which has heretofore existed between them and our frontier settle- OUE INDIAN WAEBS. 101 iraents, will cease. There will be no more wars between them and the United States. Adopting such a government, tlieir ^miovement will be in harmony with us, and its good effect be felt throughout the whole extent of our territory, to the Pa- cific. It may fairly be presumed, that, through the agency of such a government, the condition of all the tribes inhabit- ing that vast region may be eventually improved ; that per- manent peace may be preserved with them, and our com- merce be much extended. With a view to this important object, I recommend it to Congress to ado'pt, by solemn declar- ation, certain fundamental principles, in accord with those suggested, as the basis of such arrangements as may be en- tered into with the several tribes, to the strict observance of which the faith of the nation shall be pledged. I recommend it also to Congress, to provide, by law, for the appointment of a suitable number of commissioners, who shall, under the direction of the president, be authorized to visit, and explain to the several tribes the objects of the government, and to make with them, according to instructions, such arrange- ments as shall be best calculated to carry these objects into effect." The report of the secretary of war, which accompanied this message, stated that the number of Indians contemplated to be transplanted by the scheme was about ninety-seve n thou- sand, who then resided in iN'orth Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, ■ Tennessee, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois; Missouri, Jfew York, and the territories of Arkansas and Michigan, and where located oc- cupied about seventy-seven million oiT acres of land. The secretary thought that the Indians in 'New York, the Ottawas of Ohio, and those in Indiana and Illinois, and the peninsula of Michigan, might be renwived to the country west of Lake Michigan and north of Illinois^' He also thought that the In- .dians in Florida need not go west, since they had ceded to the United States all the northern part of the territory, and were TCsiding out of the way in the southern part of the peninsula, and thus reduced the number to be provided for west of Mis- rsouri and the Territory of Arkansas to about eighty thou- sfiand. The secretary said that no arrangement for their removal 102 OUR INDIAN "WAEDS. ought to be made which did not regard the interests of the- Indians as well as our own; that almost all of the tribes pro- posed to be afflicted by the arrangement were more or less advanced in the arts of civilized life, there being scarcely one of them which has not the establishment of schools in the nation, affording at once the means of moral, religions, and intellectual improvement. He added, that there was another point which it was indispensable should be guarded, in order to render the condition of the Indians less afflicting : " One of the greatest evils to which they are subject (said the sec- retary) is that incessavt pressure of our population, which forces them from seat to seat, without allowing time for that moral and intellectual improvement for which thej' appear to be naturally eminently susceptible. To guard against this evil, so fatal to the race, there ought to be the strongest and most solemn assurance that the country given them should be theirs,. ■ as a permanent home, for themselves and their posterity, without I being disturbed by the encroachments of our citizens." The sec- retary made many suggestions as to a system of government and laws that should be provided for them in their new homo, which he thought would prove to the Indians and their pos- terity a permanent blessing. He said they should have a per- manent and solemn guaranty for their possessions, and re- ceive the countenance and aid of the government for the gradual extension of its privileges to them, in which event there would be among all the tribes a disposition to accord with the views of the government, and great confidence was felt that the basis of a system might be laid which, in a few years, would entirely effect the object in view, to the mutual benefit of the government and the Indians, " and which, in its operation, would effectually arrest the calamitous course of events to which they must be subjected without a radical change in the present system." The subject-matter contained in the message of the president, and the report of his secre- tary, were laid before Congress, but no action was at that time taken. In January, 1826, Hon. John Cocke, the chairman of th& Indian committee in the House of Representatives, inclosed a prepared " bill for the preservation and civilization of the- OUR INBIAN "WARDS. 103 Indian tribes within the United States," to the Hon. James Barbour, then secretary of war, for such suggestions, or the forming of another bill for the same purpose, as to the secre- tary might seem proper. Mr. Barbour framed a new bill, and sent it with a report in " elucidation of its purposes " to Mr. Cocke, on the 3d of February, 1826. In his report, Mr. Bar- bour said : " The condition of the aborigines of this country, and their future destiny, have long engaged the attention of the philosopher and statesman, inspiring an interest corre- spondent to the importance of the subject. The history of the past presents but little on which recollection lingers with satisfaction. The future is not more cheering, unless resort be speedily had to other counsels than those b}' which we have heretofore been governed. From the j&rst discovery of Amer- ica to the present time one master passion, common to all mankind, that of acquiring land, has driven, in ceaseless suc- cession, the white man on the Indian. The latter, reluctantly yielding to a force he could not resist, has retired from the ocean to the mountains, and from the mountains to more in- hospitable recesses, wasting away by sufferings and wars, foreign and intestine, till a wretched fragment only survives of the numerous hordes once inhabiting this country, whose portion it is to brood in grief over their past misfortunes, or to look in despair on the approaching catastrophe of their impending doom. It were now an unprofitable task to inquire on what principle the nations of Europe were justified in dispossessing the native proprietor of his birthright. They brought with them their own maxims, which recognized power as the only standard of right, and fraud and force as perfectly legitimate in the acquisition of territory. It has been done, and time has confirmed the act. " In the contest for dominion the milder qualities of justice and clemency were disregarded. But that contest has long since ceased in the TTnited States, where, on the one side, are seen a great people, familiar with arts and arms, whose ener- gies are increased by union, and directed by an efHcient gov- ernment; on the other, a few ignorant and divided tribes of barbarians. It is necessary for the former only to express its will to receive or enforce immediate submission from the lat- 104 OUR INDIAN WARDS. ter. The suggestions of policy should no longer stifle the claims of justice and humanity. It is now, therefore, that a most solemn question addresses itself to the American people, and whose answer is full of responsibility. Shall we go on quietly in a course, which, judging from the past, threatens their, extinction, while their past sufferings and future pros- pects so pathetically appeal to our compassion ? The respon- sibility to which I refer, is what a nation owes to itself, to its future character in all time to come. For next to the means of self-defense and the blessings of free government, stands iQ point of importance the character of a nation. Its distin- guishing characteristics should be justice and moderation. To spare the weak is its brightest ornament. It is, therefore, a source of the highest gratification that an opportunity is now offered the people of the United States to practice these maxims, and give an example of the triumph of liberal prin- ciples, over that sordid selfishness which has been the fruitful spring of human calamity. " It is the province of history to commit to its pages the transactions of nations. Posterity look to this depository with the most intense interest. The fair fame of their ances- tors, a most precious inheritage, is to them equally a source of pride and a motive of continued good action. But she performs her province with impartiality. The authority she exei'cises in the absence of others, is a check on bad rule. The tyrant and the oppressor see in the character of their prototypes, the sentence posterity is preparing for them. Which side of the picture shall we elect ? For the decision is left to ourselves. Shall the record transmit the present race to future generations, as standing by, insensible to the pro- gress of desolation which threatens the remnant of this peo- ple; or shall these unfriendly characters give place to a gen- erous effort which shall have been made to ^ave them from destruction? While deliberating on this solemn question, I would appeal to that high Providence, whose delight is jus- tice and mercy, and take counsel from the oracles of his will, revealed to man, in his terrible denunciation against the op- pressor. "In reviewing the past, justice requires that the humane OUK INDIAN WARDS. 105 attempts of the federal government, coeval with its origin, should receive an honorable notice. That they have essen- tially failed, the sad experience of every day but too strongly testifies. If the original plan, conceived in the spirit of be- 'nevolence, had not been fated to encounter that as yet una- bated desire to bereave them of their lands, it would, per- haps, have realized much of the hopes of its friends. So long, however, as that desire continues to direct our councils, every effort must fail. A cursory review is all that is neces- sary to show the incongruity of the measures we have pur- sued, and the cause of their failure. Missionaries are sent among them to enlighten their minds, by imbibing them with religious impressions. Schools have been established by the aid of private as well as puhlic donations, for the instruction of their youths. They have been persuaded to abandon the chase — to locate themselves and become cultivators of the soil — im- plements of husbandry and domestic animals have been pre- sented them, and all these things have been done, accompanied with professions of disinterested solicitude for their happiness. Yielding to these temptations, some of them have reclaimed the forest, planted their orchards, and erected houses, not only for their abode, but for the administration of justice and for religious worship. And when they have so done, you send ■your agent to tell them they must surrender their country to the white man, and recommit themselves to some new desert, and substitute as the means of their subsistence the preca- rious chase for the certainty of cultivation. The love of our native land is implanted in every human bosom, whether he Toams the wilderness, or is found in the highest state of civ- ilization. This attachment increases with the comforts of our country, and is strongest when these comforts are the fruits of our own exertions. Can it be matter of surprise that they hear with unmixed indignation of what seems to them our ruthless purpose of expelling them from their country, thus endeared? They see that our professions are insincere— that our promises have been broken, that the happiness of the In- dian is a cheap sacrifice to the acquisition of more lands ; and when attempted to'be soothed by the assurance that the coun- try to which we propose to send them is desirable, they em- 106 OUR INDIAX WARDS. pbatically ask us, what new pledges can you give us that we shall not again be exiled when it is your wish to possess these- lands? It is easier to state than to answer this question. A regard for consistency, apart from any other consideration^ requires a change of measures. Either let him retain and enjoy his home, or, if he is to be driven from it, abstain from cherishing illusions we mean to disappoint, and thereby make him to feel more sensibly the extent of his loss." As a relief for existing evils, the secretary had some doubts of the efficacy of removing the Indians to the west of the Mississippi. He suggested many difficulties, and, moreover,, expressed apprehensions that if removed " the same propen- sity which has conducted the white population to the remote regions they (the Indians) now occupy, will continue to pro- pel the tide, till it is arrested only by the distant shoi-es of the Pacific." He, however, prepared a bill, and submitted it with his report, the outlines of which were as follows : First. The country west of the Mississippi, and beyond the states and territories, and so much on the east side of the Mis- sissippi as lies west of Lakes Huron and Michigan, to be set apart for the exclusive abode of the Indians. Second. Their removal by individuals, in contradistinction to tribes. Third. A territorial government to be maintained by the United States. Fourth. If circumstances shall eventually justify it, the ex- tinction of tribes, and their amalgamation in one mass, and a distribution of property among the individuals. Fifth. Leaves the condition of those who do not emigrate unaltered. The secretary concludes his exhaustive report thus : " I will add, that the end proposed is the happiness of the Indian the instrument of its accomplishment — their progressive, and, finally, their complete civilization. The obstacles to success are their ignorance, their prejudices, their repugnance to la- bor, their wandering propensities, and the uncertainty of the future. I would endeavor to overcome these by schools ; by a distribution of land in individual right ; by a permanent social establishment which should require the performance OUR INDIAN WARDS. 107 of social duties ; by assigning them a country of whicli they are never to be bereaved, and cherishing them with parental kindness." The report and bill of the secretary did not re- ceive the favorable consideration of Congress. During the remainder of the administration of John Q. Adams the gov- ernment was perplexed with the Indian problem. The states in which the Indians held reservations were urging that the Indian title be extinguished, and the Indians removed to the west of the Mississippi. Georgia was impatient for the ful- fillment of the compact of 1802, and the removal of all In- dians from that state. That portion of the Oherokees who declined to emigrate had organized a government of their own, within the State of Georgia, and the controversy grow- ing out of this act became national ; the people in every state were discussing it in their political assemblies; it pervaded Congress, and engaged the attention of the Supreme Court of the United States, Georgia having by legislation sought to repress the Indian government set up within her limits. Thus matters stood at the time of the inauguration of President Jackson. In his first annual message, December 8, 1829, he dealt with the subject at considerable length, and especially with the existing aspect of affairs between the State of Georgia and the Cherokees. The president said: "The condition and ulterior destiny of the Indian tribes within the limits of some of our states have become objects of much importance. It has long been the policy of the government to introduce among them the arts of civilization, in the hope of gradually reclaiming them from a wandering life. This pohcy has, however, been coupled with another, wholly incompatible with its success. Professing a desire to civilize and settle them, we have, at the same time, lost no oppor- tunity to purchase their lands, and thrust them further into the wilderness. By this means they have not only been kept in a wandering state, but been led to look upon us as unjust and indifferent to their fate. Thus, though lavish in its ex- penditures on the subject, government has continually de- feated its own policy ; and the Indians, in general, receding far- ther and farther to the west, have retained their savage habits. A portion, however, of the southern tribes, having mingled 108 OUR INDIAN WABDS. much with the whites, and made some progress in the arts of civilized life, have lately attempted to erect an independent gov- ernment within the limits of Georgia and Alabama. These states claiming to be the only sovereigns within their respective territories, extending their laws over the Indians, induced the latter to call upon the United States for protection. Cinder the circumstances, the question presented was, whether the general government had a right to sustain these people in their pretensions ? The constitution declares, that ' no new state shall be formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any other state,' without the consent of its legislature. Georgia be- came a member of the confederacy which eventuated in our federal union, as a sovereign state, always asserting her claim to certain limits, which having been originally defined in her colonial charter, and subsequently recognized in the treaty of peace, she has ever since continued to enjoy, except as they have been circumscribed by her own voluntary transfer of a portion of her territory to the United States, in the articles of cession of 1802. Alabama was admitted into the Union ou the same footing with the original states, with boundaries which were prescribed by Congress. There is no constitutional, conventional, or legal provision which allows them less power over the Indians within their borders than is possessed by the people of Maine or New York. Would the people of Maine permit the Penobscot tribe to erect an independent govern- ment within that state? And unless they did, would it not be the duty of the general government to support them in resisting such a measure ? "Would the people of the State of New York permit each remnant of the Six Nations within her limits to declare itself an independent people under the pro- tection of the United States ? Could the Indians establish a separate republic on each of their reservations in Ohio? And if they were so disposed, would it be the duty of the gov- ernment to protect them in the attempt? If the principle involved in the obvious answers to these questions be aban- doned, it will follow that the objects of the goverment are re- versed, and that it has become a part of its duty to aid in <lestroying the states which it was established to protect. Actuated by this view of the subject, I informed the Indians OtTR INDIAN WAEDS, 109' inhabiting parts of Georgia and Alabama, that their attempt to establish an independent government would not be coun- tenanced by the executive of the United States ; and advised them to emigrate beyond the Mississippi, or submit to the law^of those states." In the further discussion of the sub- j(|H|'P resident Jackson submitted to Congress, " the interest- ing question, whether something can not be done, consistently with the rights of the states, to preserve this much injured race?" And added: "As a means of effecting this end, I suggest for your consideration the propriety of setting apart an ample district west of the Mississippi, and without the limits of any state or territory now formed, to be guaranteed to the Indian tribes as long as they shall occupy it, each tribe having the distinct control over the portion designated for its own use. There they may be secured in the enjoyment of governments of their own choice, subject to no other control from the United States than such as may be necessary to pre- serve peace on the frontier and between the several tribes. There the benevolent may endeavor to teach them the arts of civilization ; and by promoting union and harmony among them, to raise up an interesting commonwealth, destined to perpetuate the race, and to attest the humanity and justice of the government." Congress took hold of the subject, and in February, 1830, both the Senate and House Committees on Indian Affairs made reports in favor of the policy of the removal of the Indians to the west of the Mississippi river ; and before the close of the session, a law was passed, entitled " an act to provide for an exchange of lands with the Indians residing within any of the states or territories, and for their removal west of the river Mississippi." This was approved by the president, May 2^ 1830. \ The first section authorized the president of the United States to cause so much of any territory belonging to the United States, west of the river Mississippi, and not included in any state or organized territory, and to which the original Indian title was extinguished, as he might judge necessary, to be divided into a suitable number of districts, for the recep- tion of such tribes or nations of Indians as may choose to ex- 110 OUR INDIAN WARDS. change the lands where they now reside, and remove to the west. The second section authorized the president to exchange the lands embraced in any such districts with any tribe or nation of Indians then residing within the limits of any of the states or territories, for the land claimed and occupio^^ them within such states or territories. ^^ The third section authorized the president to solemnly assure the tribes with whom the exchange was made, that the United States would /orecer secure and guarantee to them, and their heirs or successors, the country so exchanged with them, and, if they prefer it, the United States would cause a patent or grant to be made and executed to them for the same. The fourth section authorized the pi'esident to ascertain such improvements on the lands of the Indians as added value to the same, and cause such value to be appraised, and to pay the amount of the same to the parties rightfully claim- ing such improvements. The fifth section authorized the president to render such aid as was necessary and proper, to enable the emigrants to remove to and settle in their new home ; and such aid as was necessary for their support for one year after their removal. • The sixth section authorized the president to cause each tribe that emigrated to be protected at their new residence, against all interruption or disturbance from any other tribe of Indians, or from any other person or persons whatever. The seventh section provided for the same superintendence and care in their new home that was extended to them where they then resided. The eighth and last section appropriated the sum of five hundred thousand dollars to enable the president to give effect to the law. OUR INDIAN WABDS. Ill CHAPTER VII. Dedication op the couktrt west op the Mississippi river for a permanent HOME for the Indians residing east of it. — Guarantees that this NEW home should NEVER BE EMBRACED WITHIN THE LIMITS OF ANT OR- GANIZED STATE OR TEEKITOKT. — ThE TRIBES THAT EMIGRATED. — ThEIR " LOST MONET." — ThE ANNEXATION OF TeXAS AND OTHER ACQUISITIONS. — ThE EFFECT UPON THE InDI-ANS. — DEMANDS THAT THE COUNTRY SHOULD BE OPENED TO THE SETTLEMENT OF THE WHITE PEOPLE. — ORGANIZATION OP THE TERRI- TORY OP Kansas. — Its effect on the emigrated tribes — Treaties of 1854. — Intrusion of the whites.^Military offioehs at Fort Leaven- worth sympathize with the " squatters." — The reservations of the ChBROKEES, ChTCKASAWS, ChOCTAWS, ETC. Several years previous to the passage of the act of 1830, tte United States acquired, by treaty with the Kansas and Great and Little Osage Indians, the territory west of Mis- souri and Arkansas, south of the Great ;b.''emehaw and north of Eed river, and bounded on the west by a line drawn from the head source of the Nemehaw to the source of the Kansas river, and thence southwardly through the Rock Saline to the Eed river, and this country was dedicated for the future but ■permanent homes of the Indian tribes or nations to be trans- planted to it, upon their removal from their lands on the east side of the Mississippi. It required several years to accom- plish the transfer of such of the Indians east, as were pur- suaded to remove. Finally, the Cherokees, Creeks, Choc- taws, Chickasaws, Delawares, Shawanoes, Miamis, Kickapoos, Pottowatomies, Chippewas of Rouch de Boeuf, Sacs and Foxes, Weas and Piankashaws, Kaskaskias and Peorias, were located west of the States of Missouri and Arkansas. In time a portion of the Seminoles were also removed and placed within the territory assigned to the Creeks. None of these Indian tribes were exempt from the sacrifices, suffering, and loss of life incident to Indian removals. It is doubtful whether a like number of our own race could, under similar circumstances, have sustained themselves as well. In the tract granted to the Cherokees, it was estimated that 112 OUR INDIAN WARDS. there were within the boundaries defined, about seven millions of acres of land ; and in addition thereto, they were guaranteed a perpetual outlet west, as far as the sovereignty of the United' States and their right of soil extended, with a free and unmo- lested use of all the country west of their western boundary. Letters patent were ,to be issued to them for the tract specified, and it was covenanted and agreed b}' the United States, " that the lands ceded to the Cherokee nation, in the foregoing ar- ticles, shall, in vo future time, without their consent, be included within the territorial limits or jurisdiction of any state or ter- ritory; but they (said states) shall secure to the Cherokee nation the right, by their national councils, to make and to carry into effect all such laws as they may deem necessary for the government and protection of the persons and property within their own country belonging to their people, or such persons as have connected themselves with them." It was further stipulated that the Cherokees should be entitled to a delegate in the House of Representatives of the United States,.. whenever Congress should make provision for the same. The tract granted to the Creeks was estimated to contain over five millions of acres, and the United States covenanted with them, that the same "shall be solemnly guaranteed to the Creek Indians, worsAaZZ any state or territory ever have a right to pass laws for the government of such Indians, but they shall be allowed to govern themselves, so far as may be com- patible with the general jurisdiction which Congress may think proper to exercise over them; and the United States will defend them from the unjust hostilities of other Indians^ and will, as soon as the boundaries of the tract are ascer- tained, cause a patent or grant to be executed to the Creek tribe for the same." The original grant to the Choctaws, of a home west of the Mississippi, was made as early as 1820. The boundaries of this grant were modified by the treaty of January 20, 1825. After the act of Congress of May 28, 1830, another treaty was made with these Indians, to wit, on the 27th of Septem- ber, 1830, in which it is provided that the United States, under a grant specially to be made by the president of the United States, shall cause to be conveyed to the Choctaw OUR INDIAN" WARDS. 113 nation a tract of country west of the Mississippi, in fee simple to them and their descendants, to inure to thera while they shall exist as a nation, and live on it. [Here the country is described by metes and bounds.] This stipulation is in the fourth article : " The government and people of the United States are hereby obliged to secure to the said Choctaw nation of red people, the jurisdiction and government of the persons and property that may be within their limits west, so that no territory or state shall ever have a right to pass laws for the government of the Choctaw nation of red people and their descendants; and that no part of the land granted them shall ecer be embraced in any territory or state; but the United States shall forever secure said Choctaw nation from and against all laws, except such as from time to time may be en- acted in their own national councils, not inconsistent with the constitution, treaties, and laws of the United States ; and ex- cept such as may, and which have been enacted by Congress, to the extent that Congress, under the constitution, are re- quired to exercise legislation over Indian affairs." The tract granted to the Choctaws was estimated to contain over nine millions of acres of land. The Chickasaw nation purchased from the Choctaws, within the limits of the latter, on the 17th January, 1837, a district of country, for which they paid the Choctaws the sum of five hundred and thirty thousand dollars. In the treaty, the country purchased is described by metes aud bounds, and denominated the Chickasaw district of the Choctaw nation, to have an equal representation in the Choctaw council with any other district in the same, and placed on an equal footing with the other districts of said Choctaw nation, and to be subject to the same laws as the Choctaws. By the provisions of a treaty proclaimed April 12, 1834, the Seminole Indians had assigned to them for their future resi- dence forever, a tract of land in the territory of the Creeks, west of the Arkansas Territory. ' By a supplementary article to the treaty of January 15, 1819, with the Delaware Indians, dated March 24, 1831, they were assigned, as a permanent home west of the Mississippi, 8 114 OUR INDIAN WARDS. guaranteed to them by the treaty of 1819, the country in the forks of the Kansas and Missouri rivers, extending up the Kansas to the Kansas (Indian) line, and up the Missouri to Camp Leavenworth, and tlience by a line drawn westwardly, leaving a space ten miles wide, north of the Kansas (Indian) boundary line, for an outlet, "the same to be conveyed and forever secured to the Delaware nation as their permanent residence." The Shawnees, then residing in Missouri, were, by the treaty of December 30', 1825, granted, for themselves and those of their brethren then residing in Ohio, a tract of land equal to fifty miles square, west of the State of Missouri; and the same was afterward confirmed by a patent issued to them by the United States. In a treaty, concluded with the Miamis on the 6th Novem- ber, 18-38, the United States stipulated "to possess the Miami tribe of Indians, and guarantee to them forever, a country west of the Mississippi, to remove to and settle on," the same to be in a region contiguous to that in the occupation of the tribes which had emigrated from Ohio and Indiana; and the United States agreed to protect "the said tribe, and the peo- ple thereof, in their rights and possessions, against the injuries, encroachments, and oppressions of any person or persons, tribe or tribes, whatsoever." Without further recapitulation of the grants and covenants to other tribes that were transplanted, under the act of May 28, 1830, it may be stated that the United States, in some form, guaranteed to each and all that the new home should be the 'permanent residence of the Indian tribes and their pos- terity; that patents should issue to them, and that the coun- try to which they removed should never be embraced within the limits of any organized state or territory. In this new home the Indians were to be i-elieved from all the embarrassments, trials, and difiiculties by which they were beset east of the Mississippi, and which had proved so fatal to the race. As a rule, the tribes which were, by this process of emigration, located west of Missouri, had not such aids among their own people as those located west of Arkansas. They were in small communities, and had comparatively but OUR INDIAN WARDS, 115 few educated men among them, and of these there were some who, previous to their removal, were dissolute in their habits; and all such, at their new homes, had ample opportunity to indulge in dissipation. Missions and schools vrere, however, established among them, and numbers began to cultivate the soil and raise stock. But there was no fixed policy adopted by the government for the reclamation and civilization of these Indians after they were transplanted. It appeared that each individual acted on his ovrn motion, and elected to be a nomad or a farmer. It was not far to the buffalo range, and game was plentiful ; hence the temptation to roam and hunt was very strong. Large numbers of each tribe were in the habit of making two hunts during the year, occupying, in each, from two to three months. The product of the hunt was valuable, not only in the supply of food, but of robes and skins. The government did not attempt to restrain the Indians in their habit of hunting. Indeed, it seemed rather to encourage them in it. In the process of time, several manual labor schools were established among these Indians, under the patronage of the Presbyterians, Baptists, Methodists, Catholics, and Friends,. and many of the Indian children were instructed at these schools. At some period, probably during the Mexican war, the annuities due to some of these tribes, for purposes of civilization, were withheld, and hence there were balances in their favor due and unpaid. This fact set a number of sharpers after the Indians, who, by various devices, obtained from the chiefs authority to collect this " lost money," as it was termed; the Indians agreeing to allow, in many cases, as a fee, one-half of the sum obtained. How far government, agents and military officers had knowledge of these trans- i actions, and participated in the spoil, can not be definitely stated ; but there was abundant reason to believe that some were corruptly engaged in them. Some of the chiefs were also corruptly involved. As the facts became known they •produced discontent among the Indians. Following the annexation of Texas, and the acquisition of our possessions on the Pacific coast, emigration commenced. HTumberless caravans began to cross the plains, and these 116 OUR INDIAN WARDS. necessarily passed through the Indian reservations west of Missouri. These intrusions had a very bad influence on the Indians. Tliey were regarded by them as violations of their treaty stipulations. Moreover, the emigrants were not mind- ful of the rights of the Indians. Depredations were com- mitted upon them; they were despoiled of their property, personally abused, and frequently shot down. The reports made by these emigrants of the character of the lands in the Indian reservations induced many whites to invade them. The fact that the Indian occupant had a " solemn " guaranty from the government that this land he lived upon should be to him and his posterity-a permanent home "forever" was not respected. Even statesmen became uneasy because the Indian territory was not thrown open to occupation and set- tlement by the white man, some averring that it was an out- rage that a country so fine should be occupied by hordes of savages, to the exclusion of the white race. The " unabated desire to bereave" the Indians of their lands, of which the secretary of war spoke in 1826, when urging that the very country now occupied by these tribes should be set apart for the permanent homes of the Indians then residing in the states, was now manifested more strongly than ever. The pledge of the United States to every tribe that they should be protected in the quiet enjoyment of the country assigned them was derided and held of no avail. It was said that the Indian was a treacherous barbarian ; that he had none of the feelings or instincts of civilization ; that these could never be imparted to him; that he was in the way of progress, and must stand aside and givie room for the development of the energies of those who were yearning to possess and subdue the land. The agitation worked fearfully on the minds of the Indians. But this fact did not disturb those who clamored for the extinction of the Indian title. The contagion finally entered Congress, and the same body which, ial830, author- ized the president, by a law then passed, to procure this country and assign it to the tribes that he might persuade to emigrate to it, with the pledge that it should be to them and their posterity a permanent home forever, in 1852, entertained a bill and passed it through the House of Representatives to OUR INDIAN WARDS. 117 organize the Territory of Nebraska, embracing many of these Indian tribes within the limits of the same. The bill failed in the Senate, but at the next session, in lieu of such bill, there was inserted in 'the civil and diplomatic bill a clause appropriating the sum of $50,000, to enable the president to negotiate with the Indians, and obtain their consent to the establishment of a territorial government west of Missouri and Arkansas, and to embrace within its limits the lands iu their reservations. v In the month of August, 1853, the commissioner of Indian afi'airs, by direction of the president, visited the Indian country to confer with the various tribes, as a preliminary measure, looking to negotiations with them for the purpose of procuring their assent to a territorial government, and the extinguishment of their title, in whole or in part, to the lands owned by them. He found, when he reached the borders of the Indian country, the people discussing, with some warmth, the question whether portions of the land within it, Avere not then open to settlement by the whites ; in fact, at that time there were those who, holding the I'ight in the whites to settle in the territory, had gone over the border to explore the same with the intention of locating in it. Some months previously Thomas '11. Benton had made a publication, taking the ground that a' large portion of the country was then sub- ject to the occupancy of the whites, without the consent of the Indians or the aid of congressional legislation. He had gone so far as to cause a map to be prepared and litho- graphed, which he designated as an official map of " Ne- braska," prepared by the commissioner of Indian affairs, at the request of Colonel Benton, and published to show the lands open to settlement therein. This map the commis- sioner found in the hands of''"exploring parties, and in a note published in a paper at Inde^pendence, Missouri, denounced it, stating that he had never prepared a map for any such purpose, and that in his judgment there was no land within what was then known as Nebraska open to settlement. These discussions and explorations had a very unfavorable influence on the Indians. Reports reached them that bodies of white men were coming into their country, to take posses- 118 OUR INDIAN WARDS. sion of and drive them from it. In this condition of things it was found very difficult to quiet the Indians and restore them to a tranquil condition. Some were for lighting up their fires " after the old Indian fashion," and confederating for defense. As a general thing the elder Indians, who had been transplanted, retained a vivid recollection of the prom- ises made to them at the time of their removal, and the as- surance that their present should be their permanent homes, and that the white race should never interfere with thom or their possessions, was prominently dwelt on by their speakers in every council. Indeed, some of them displayed an earnest eloquence when referring to the subject. The commissioner visited the Omahas, Ottoes and Missou- rias, lowas. Sacs and Foxes of the Missouri, Kickapoos, iDelawares, "Wyandots, Shawnees, Pottawatomies, Sacs and \Foxes of the Mississippi, Chippewas of Swan creek and 51ack river, Ottawas, Peorias and Kaskasldas, "Weas and 'iankashaws, and Miamis, all of whom, except the Omalias, id Ottoes and Missourias, were Indians who had been trans- planted by the government, in pursuance of the law of 1830. BOe did not find these Indians as prosperous or as far advanced iuicivilization as he had been led to expect from the reports m^de from time to time of their condition. There were many sp(^cimens, " noble specimens," he termed them, who had fully adopted civilized pursuits, and were laboring to reclaim and regenerate their race. lie found a number of good farm- ers among them, with the improvements, conveniences, and comforts of the white man; others, and in greater numbers, who had rnde dwellings and fields, but with few of the com- forts usual among civilized people, while there were some who were unwilling to submit themselves to labor, and sought every opportunity to indulge to excess in the use of whisky. In the various schools there were found groups of intercstino- children, and from examination and the opinion of the teach- ers, the commissioner came to the conclusion that these children were capable of equal mental culture with white children, and learned as rapidly. Every thing about the schools appeared in good order, and in them the ciiildren obtained a fair education in the ordinary branches. In addi- OTJR INDIAN" WARDS. 119 tion to tlie scbool training, the female children were taught needle-work as well as ordinary house-work, and the boys were taught to labor on the farm. The commissioner came to the conclusion that the administration of the affairs of the Indians was not wholly free from abuses, and that such of the Indians as resided near Fort Leavenworth and the Missouri line, were more demoralized than those who lived in locali- ties more distant. In 1854, treaties wore made with the Omaha, Ottoe and Missouria, Sac and Fox of the Missouri, Iowa, Kickapoo, Delaware, Shawnee, Kaskaskia, Peoria, Wea, Piankashaw, and Miami Indians, and the Territories of Kansas and N braska were organized. All of the lands of the Indians except in the aggregate about one million three hundred thousand acres, f-eserved for their homes, were ceded to the government. Some of the tribes made their cessions in trust, the net proceeds of the lands when sold to be paid them ; others made unconditional cessions. In negotiating with the Indians, the commissioner had con- siderable difficulty, owing to the fact that outside influences, seeking to mold the treaties to suit their views and interests, were at work. As a case in point, the negotiations with the Shawnees may be mentioned. The treaty was made at Wash- ington City. The tract owned by the Shawnees, and for which they held the patent of the government, was estimated to contain sixteen hundred thousand acres of land. The lowest figure placed on this land, reserving from the tract a reservation of moderate dimensions for their home, was eight hundred and twenty-nine thousand dollars, and this to be paid cash in hand. After discussing the matter for per- haps one week, the Indians consented to accept the sum named in eight annual payments. The commissioner on the part of the government desired the Indians to invest- the prin- cipal in six per cent, bonds, yielding annually nearly fifty thousand dollars interest, and endeavored to convince them that this sum would be sufficient annuity, and with the yield of their farms, if properly cultivated, would place them in an independent position. But no argument could move them, being, as it was quite apparent they were, under the control 120 OUR INDIAN WARDS. of those professing to be friendly to them, but in fact only scheming to have a large sum paid down, 'to the end that they could reach it. The commissioner informed the govern- ment of the state of the negotiations, and expressed the opinion that it was not consistent with the interests of the Shawnees (there were only eight hundred and fifty of them) to have a hundred thousand dollars per year paid them, and advised that the negotiations cease, and the delegation be sent home, since it was probable that at some future time a more appropriate and satisfactory arrangement, and one more in harmony with the true interests of the Indians, could be made. But such was the incessant clamor for opening the country and letting in the white people, that the treaty, by direction of superior authority, was concluded; With a view to protect the Indians from the arts and wiles of those who had become, quite expert in manipulating Indian matters, and getting up "national obligations " for groundless claims against the Indians, a clause was inserted in the treaty with the Shawnees to this effect: "Wo portion of the money stip- ulated by this instrument to be paid to the Shawnees, shall be taken by the government of the United States, by its agents or otherwise, to pay debts contracted by the Shawnees, as individuals, nor any part thereof for the payment of na- tional debts or obligations contracted by the Shawnee coun- cil." When the treaty was under consideration in the Sen- ate for its ratification, the following amendment was added to the clause above quoted : "Fi^ovided, that this article shall not be construed to prohibit the council from setting apart a portion of any annual payment for purposes strictly national in their character, and for the payment of national or tribal debts, first to be approved by the president." The Indians had under a former treaty a perpetual annuity, ample for any sum that the council might need, and yet the Senate saw fit, without any request from the Indians or from any true friend of theirs, but through the influence of those who sought to, and did control them as to the period in which the purchase money should be paid, to make this amendment, and thus open wide the door to the very abuse which the original clause sought to guard against. The fact is simply noticed OUR INDIAN WARDS. 121 here to show that the Senate of the United States was not free from improper influences, when dealing with Indian affairs. In the annual report of the commissioner of Indian affairs, dated ISTovember 2 5, 1854 , the condition of affairs, as they then existed, and the effect upon the Indians likely to be pro- duced, was dwelt on at some length. Among other things the commissioner said : " In view of the facts above stated, I am constrained to submit a few suggestions in relation to the emigrated tribes in Kansas Territory, who, by the policy of the government, adopted nearly thirty years ago, and reluct- antly acquiesced in by them, were removed to, and became inhabitants of, the country now embraced in this territory. Already many of them have ceded, and it is expected that others will cede, the larger portion of their lands to the United States, for the use and occupation of our citizens. The faith of the nation was pledged in the most solemn form, before these tribes were removed to the west of the Missis- sippi, that they should have the undisputed possession and control of the country, and that the tracts assigned to them therein, should be their permanent homes. It was called ' the Indian Territory,' and the intercourse act made it unlawful for white men to go into it, except on a license obtained and for special purposes; and in this secluded home, it was beHeved that the efforts of the government and the philanthropist to civilize the red man, would be more successful than ever be- fore. Such, however, was not the case. Our population advanced rapidly to the line which was to be the barrier, and with the emigration consequent upon our acquisitions from Mexico, and the organization of our hew territories, neces- sarily subjected the Indian to that kind of contact with the whites, which was sure to entail on them the vices, while de- prived of the good influences of civilization. " In the recent negotiations for their lands the Indians dwelt upon the former pledges and promises made to them, and were averse generally to the surrender of any portion of their country. They said that they were to have the land ' as long I as grass grew or water run,' and they feared the result if they should consent to yield any part of their possessions. "When 122 OUB INDIAN WARDS. they did consent to sell, it was only on tiie condition that each tribe should retain a portion of tlieir tract as a perma- nent home. All were unitedly and firmly opposed to another removal. So fixed and settled was this idea, that proposi- tions clearly for their interests were rejected by them. " The residences of the tribes who have recently ceded por- tions of their lands, should, therefore, be considered (subject in a few cases to a contraction of limits) as permanently fixed. Ali-eady the white population is occupying the lands between and adjacent to the Indian reservations, and even going west of and beyond them, and at no distant day, all the country immediately to the west of the reserves, which is worth occu- pying, will have been taken up. And then the current of population (until within a few years flowing only from the east,), now comes sweeping like an avalanche from the Pacific coast, almost overwhelming the indigenous Indians in its ap- proaches. It is, therefore, in my judgment, clear, beyond doubt or question, that the emigrated tribes in Kansas Terri- tory are permanent!}' there — there to be thoroughly civilized, and to become a constituted portion of the population, or there to be destroyed and exterminated. What a spectacle for the view of the statesman, philanthropist. Christian! With reservations dotting the eastern portion of the territory, there they stand, the representatives and remnants of tribes once as powerful and dreaded, ns these are now weak and dis- pirited. By alternate persuasion and force, some of these tribes have bee^ removed step by step, from mountain to val- ley, and from river to plain, until tiiey have been pushed half way across the continent. They can go no further. On the ground they now occupy, the crisis must be met, and tlieir future determined. Among them may be found the educated, civilized, and converted Indian, the benighted and inveterate heathen, and every intermediate grade. But there they are, and as they are, with outstanding obligations in their behalf, of the most solemn and imperative character, voluntarily as- sumed by the government. The'-r condition is a critical one ; such as to entitle them not only to the justice of the govern- ment, but to the most profound sympathy of the people. Extermination may be their fate, but not of necessity. By a OUR INDIAN WAEDS. 123 union of good influences, and a proper effort, I believe they may, and will be saved, and their complete civilization effected. " Be that as it may, the duty of the government is plain. It should fulfill with the greatest promptness and fidelity, every treaty stipulation with these Indians ; frown down at the first dawning, any and every attempt to corrupt them; see that their ample annuities are directed faithfully to their education and improvement, and not made the means of their destruction; incessantly resist the efforts of the selfish and heartless men, who, by specious plans and devices for their own gain, may seek to distract and divide them ; require dili- gence, energy, and integrity i"n the administration of their affairs, by the agents who may be intrusted with their inter- ests and welfare ; and visit the severest penalties of the law on all who may violate its salutary jDrovisions in relation to them. Let these things be done, and the co-operation of the civil officers, magistrates, and the good citizens of the terri- tory secured, and the most active efforts of the friends of the benevolent institutions now existing among them be brought into exercise for their moral culture ; and by har- monious and constant effort and action, a change may, and it is believed will be, brought about, and Kansas become distin- guished as a land in which the complete and thorough civil- ization of the red man was worked out and accomplished." -, A few months previous to the date of the report from which the above is quoted, it was discovered that an association of persons had seized upon a piece of land fronting on the Mis- souri, below Fort Leavenworth, and laid out a town thereon, called the city of Leavenworth. This act was in direct violation of the treaty with the Delaware Indians ; yet the unlawful pro- ceeding took place under the eyes of the military officers sta- tioned at the fort. Indeed, some of them were active agents in the transaction. The Indians were disturbed at what was tran- spiring, and complained to the Indian office about it. The example set in seizing the site of the city of Leavenworth was contagious, and parties entered the Delaware tract, and placed upon the land, at various points, such monuments as would, as they hoped, give them, under the custom of " squatters" 124 OUR INDMN WARDS. on the public land, a right of pre-emption. The commis- sioner advised the Indians that all such persons were acting unlawfully, and could derive no advantage by their acts. He at the same time requested that all intruders should be ex- pelled by the military force at the fort. lie said this was due to the Indians, and if neglected, they would become dispirited and lose confidence in the public authorities, in which event all efforts to improve their condition must be unavailing. In- stead of his efforts in this direction being met with in a proper spirit, the military became quite indignant ; denounced the commissioner, and defended the squatters, and the influence of city lots in Leavenworth (the future great city of the "West, as it was called) reached even to Washington, and found favor in the huljs^of Congress. In the annual report of November, 1855, the^ commissioner^ thus refers to the condition of things then existing in the territory, and its effect on the Indians : " The peculiar condition of the emigrated tribes in Kansas Territory was stated at some length in the last annual report. They were removed thither under the most solemn assurances and guarantees that the country assigned them should be to them and their descendants a permanent home forever. In retroceding large bodies of land to the United States, by which portions of the territory were lawfully opened to the occupa- tion and settlement of its citizens, neither the government nor the Indians sought to change the guarantees and stipu- lations of former treaties ; but they were recognized as obli- gatory and binding within the tracts of land reserved for the permanent homes of the Indians. The organic act of the ter- ritory so regarded them, and it was expressly declared that nothing in the act should 'be construed to impair the rights of persons or propertj' now pertaining to the Indians in said territory, so long as such rights shall remain unextinguished by treaty between the United States and such Indians.' The peaceful possession and quiet enjoyment of the tracts reserved by the Indians for their homes are guaranteed and secured to them by the faith of treaties and the laws of the land, and it is to be regretted that, in different sections of the territory, persons have trespassed upon their rights, by committing waste, and even locating withiu and making improvements OUR INDIAN WARDS. 125 upon the Indian lands. As cases have been reported, the agents have been instructed to notify the wrong-doers that their acts were in violation of the law and the faith of treaties, and that they must cease their trespasses, and retire outside of the Indian reservations. Many of the intruders have wholly, disregarded, the admonitions and warnings of the officers of the Indian service, and to compel obedience, and to vindicate the good faith and authority of the government, in this behalf, the military arm has been invoked and called into requisition ; and under instructions recently issued, by direction of the president, it is expected that all persons remaining unlawfully upon any of the Indian reservations in Kansas Territory, after a period to be fixed, and of which they will have notice, will be forcibly ejected therefrom. However disagreeable it may_ be to resort to this extreme measure, the condition of the In- dians is such as to require it, and the obligations of the United States toward them can not be discharged without its appli- cation. " The executive of the territory, in fixing the election dis- tricts and appointing voting places, and in establishing the executive office, did not regard the organic law, which ex- cluded Indian reserves from its operation, but, embraced sev- eral reservations within the districts, and authorized polls to be opened in them. He also established his executive office within the Shawnee country. The territorial legislature, fol- lowing his example, held its session at the Shawnee mission, and by its enactments embraced some of the Indian reserves within the organized counties, all of which is clearly a viola-, tion of treaty stipulations and the act creating the territory. " Many of the emigrants to, and settlers in, the Territory of Kansas, are engaged in bitter controversy and strife in re- lation to the institutions to be formed there, as applicable to the condition of the African race ; yet the hostile factions seem to have no sympathy for the red man, but, on the con- trary, many of both sides appear to disregard his interests, and trespass upon his rights with impunity." The relief that was expected from the military arm of the government was not obtained. The commissioner had ar- raigned the officers implicated in the unlawful seizure of the 126 OUR INDIAN WARDS. site of the city of Leavenworth, and suggested that the gravity of the offense was siicli that they should be dismissed from the service, which fact, and their sympathy for those who were appropriating unlawfully portions of the Indian reser- vations, made them unwilling agents. Moreover, tliey were^ sustained by the secretatr^^war. Some of the civil as w^ as judicial officers of the territoiy became enlisted on the side of the squatters, having themselves been engaged in transac- tions neither honorable nor lawful. Another year passed away — a year of great disorder in Kansas — and in iNovember, 1856, the commissioner of Indian affairs thus alluded to it: " The general' disorder, so long prevailing in Kansas Territory ,S and the consequent unsettled state of civil affairs there, have| been very injurious to the interests of many of the Indiaa tribes in that territory. The state of affairs referred to with the influx of lawless men and speculators incident and intro- ductory thereto, have impeded the surveys and the selections for the homes of the Indians, and otherwise prevented the full establishment and proper efficiency of all the means for civilization and improvement, within the scope of the several treaties with them. The schools have not been so fully at- tended, nor the school buildings, agency houses, and other im- provements, as rapidly constructed as they might otherwise have been. Trespasses and depredations of every conceivable kind have been committed on the Indians. They have been personally maltreated, their property stolen, their timber de- stroyed, their possessions encroached upon, and divers other wrongs and injuries done them. Notwithstanding all which, they have afforded a praiseworthy example of good conduct under the most trying circumstances. They have at no time, that I am aware of, attempted to redress their own wrongs, but have patiently submitted to injury, relying on the good faith and justice of the government to indemnify them. In the din and strife between the anti-slavery and pro-slavery parties with reference to the condition of the African race there, and in which the rights and interests of the red men have been completely overlooked and disregarded, the good conduct and patient submission of the latter contrast favor- ably with the disorderly and lawless conduct of many of their OUR INDIAN WARDS. 127 ■white brethren, who, while they have quarreled about the African, have united upon the soil of Kansas in wrong doing toward the Indian !" As order and peace seemed in some de- gree restored, the commissioner expressed the hope that the good citizens of the territory would make haste to repair the injury which the Indians had suffered by the wrong doing of their white neighbors, and that thereafter they would treat the Indians fairly, and resist the conduct of any lawless men who might attempt to injure thera. iBut all appeals in favor of the rights of the Indians were in vain. Within the bounds of the territory, there appeared to be no spot of land occupied by an Indian tribe that was free from lawless intrusion. y^ In 1860, a treaty was made with the Delaware Indians, by which the tract of land reserved in the treaty of 1854, for their permanent home, was conveyed to the^ Leavenworth, Pawnee and Western Railroad (excepting only the tracts re- served for the homes of a few individuals), upon the payment of such sura in gold or silver coin, as three commissioners appointed by the secretary of the interior should find to be the value of the land. In July, 1862, another treaty was made with the Delawares, by which the payment for the lands ceded to the railroad company, amounting to 224,000 acres of veiy valuable land, was changed from gold and silver coin to the bonds of the company, the appraised value of the land being two hundred and eighty-seven thousand dollars, for which sum twenty-eight bonds of the road, calling for ten thousand dollars each, and the twenty-ninth bond for a frac- tion of ten thousand dollars, were given, and to secure the payment of these bonds, the railroad company gave a mort- gage on one hundred thousand acres of the land purchased ! Then, on July 4, 1866, still another treaty was made with the Delawares, in which they were made to say that they desired to remove from the State of Kansas, and take up their abode- in what is known as the Indian Territory, and the United . States having, by treaty with the Cherokees, Creeks, and Sem- inoles, and the Choctaws and Chickasaws, acquired the right to colonize other Indian tribes within said territory, agreed to sell to the Delawares a home in the same, equal in quan- tity to one hundred and sixty acres for each of them, the 128 OUB INDIAN WARDS. Indians agreeing to sell all their remaining land in Kansas to the Missouri Eiver Railroad Company; or in default of a sale to it, then the secretary of the interior was authorized to sell the land to other parties ; and now we find this once power- ful and historic nation of Indians, numbering about one thousand souls, located in the Indian Territory, broken in spirit, a monument of the debasing effects produced by the process of removals to which they have been subjected for three generations. The ancestors of these Indians were with "William Penn at the treaty of 1683 (then known as the Lenni Lenape, or orig- inal people), and faithfully observed the conditions of the agreement then made. One of their early sachems, ,Tama- neud, or Tammany, left a name among his people which was treasured with veneration, and they recounted his wisdom and his virtues until his character rose so high with the col- onists, that ho was in some sense canonized. It was said that his virtues, and exploits both among th"^ white men and In- dians, excited so much respect that after his death he was held in such remembrance that the day of his birth was re- garded as a holy day. It was among these Indians that Heck- ewelder and others labored, and from their work arose an interesting community known as the Christian Indians. In that day, as well as now, there was a class of men who were intent on invading the rights of the Indians, and if necessary to accomplish their object, destroying them. Of such, Heck- ewelder wrote : " I have yet to notice a class of people gener- ally known to us by the name of ' backwoodsmen,' many of whom, acting up to a pretended belief that 'an Indian has no more soul than a buffalo,' and that to kill either is the same thing, have, from time to time, by their conduct brought great trouble and bloodshed on the country. Such, then, I wish to caution not to sport in that manner with the lives of God's creatures. . . . Believe that a time will come when you must account for such vile deeds! — when those who have fallen a sacrifice to your Avickedness will be called forth in judgment against you! 'Na.y, when your own descendants will testify against you." The first treaty made by the United States with any Indian OUR INDIAN WARDS. 1-9 nation was that of 1778, with the Delawares, at Fort Pitt. They were then regarded as an equal power with the govern- ment, and promised each to the other assistance in time of war, and provisional arrangements were suggested for the organization of an Indian 8tate,-with the Delawares at its head, and to' have a representation in Congress. The Indians agreed to and did furnish troops and supplies, and also fought in the ranks in the war of the revolution. There were among them a number of men of great force of character, and they were perfectly reliable. They were parties to the treaty of Fort Mcintosh, in 1785 ; Fort Harmer, in 1789 ; Greenville, in 1795; Fort Wayne, in 1803; Vincennes, in 1804; Fort In- dustry, in 1805; Fort "Wayne, in 1809; Greenville, in 1814; Rapids of the Maumee, in 1817; St. Mary's, in 1817. In this process of treaty making the Delawares were found in 1829, on the James Fork of White river, m the State of Missouri, and on the 24th of September, 1829, agreed by a treaty made at their home to remove to the coiintry in the fork of the Kansas and Missouri rivers, the same to be conveyed and for- ever secured to them as a permanent home. When we con- template these facts, and reflect upon the broken promises and bad faith which has been the lot of these people, it is not sur- prising that they have wasted away. The first treaty relation with the Kickapoos was in 1795.. They belonged to the quasi Indian confederacy formed many years before. Their location was in Illinois. They were,, with other tribes, parties to the treaties in 1803, 1810, 1814, 1815, 1816, 1820, 1821, 1833. By the terms of the treaty of 1833, they were given the country in Kansas where they re- sided in 1854, when they ceded all their lands in Kansas tO' the United States, except one hundred and fifty thousand acres, reserved for their permanent home. In 1862, the Kickapoos were induced to make another treaty, in which such of them as desired to do so were given the right to select individual homes, and a small tract was set apart to be held in common by such of the tribe as preferred that course,, and the residue of their land was conveyed to the Atchison and Pike's Peak Railroad Company, and thus they, like the Dela- 130 OUK INDIAN WARDS. wares, were divested of their inheritance by a raih'oad cor- poration. The Piankashaw, Wea, Kaskaskia, Peoria, Chippewas of Eouche de Boeuf, Miami, and Wyandot Indians, all of whom had early treaty relations with the government, after having passed through this same process of treaty making as the Delawares and Kickapoos, were finally landed in the Indian Territory (Kansas), where they were to dwell forever. In 1854, they, too, surrendered most of their lands for the use and occupation of citizens of the United States, reserving, however, a small part. From these reserved lands they were, by an omnibus treaty, proclaimed in 1868, in which all were included, placed in the country of the ChoctaA\s and others, there to brood over the injustice and wrong done them by the white race. It is not deemed necessary to go further into this narrative. Suffice it to say, that of all the emigrated tribes which were transplanted under the act of May, 1830, and whose reservations were within the limits of the State of Kansas, there remained in l!fovember, 1877, within that state, according to the report of the commissioner of Indian affairs, two hundred and forty-eight Kiekapoos, four hundred and fifty Pottawatomies, and sixty Chippewa and Mu usees. It is painful to contemplate this phase of the Indian question, and to note the many solemn promises and covenants made to these Indians, at each successive removal, that it should be the last one. ' Owing to the complications growing up between the Indians and the whites, within the states, it was admitted in 1825 that the government could not fulfill its obligations to these people, unless they were transferred to a country to the west, which was to be and remain forever outside of any organized state or territory. The Indians yielded to the urgent demands made upon them, and were, under the authority of the act of May, 1830, removed. The fate of those who were at this time located in Kansas, presents matter for the most serious consideration of every friend of justice and humanity. TJie whole record is one of broken promises and bad faith on the part of our people and government. The Chnrokees, Choctaws, Chickasaws, and Creeks were OUR INDIAN WARDS. 131 enabled, from the time of their removal, to' overeoiiie all at- tempts to make inroads upon them, and " bereave them of their lands ;" and through the governments organized by them, have advanced gradually in civilized pursuits, and increased slightly in population. In 1866, treaties were made with some of them, by which, in addition to the right granted to locate and construct railroads through their reservations, a clause was inserted, which may be regarded as dangerous to their interests and their peace in the future. It is the clause providing for the sale, to each railroad corporation, of every alternate section of land, for six miles in width, along the line of the same. Following this, there have been indica- tions, in Congress, of a disposition to open these reservations to the occupation and settlement of the white people. Al- ready this agitation has been hurtful to the Indians. They have, in each tribe, many men of intelligence, who realize the danger. These understand that the organization of Kan- sas Territory, and the general disorder that immediately fol- lowed, and for years grew in volume, was the forerunner of measures that finally disinherited their brethren in that terri- tory, and they are sufficiently intelligent observers of passing events to know that, in their case, in addition to the influ- ences which prevailed in Kansas, there will be added the en- ergy of powerful corporations having lines of railroad built or contemplated through their reservations, in aid' of the schenae for opening their cauntry to the occupation and set- tlement of the whites. These influences argue that civiliza- tion can not consent that such a body of land as these tribes possess, shall remain, as much of it is, in a state of nature; that it should be in possession of a race that will subdue the land and bring it into cultivation. They ignore the fact that these lands came from the government, of its own mo- tion, to the Indians for a permanent home, in consideration that they surrendered their homes east of the Mississippi, and that the Indians have, in the most solemn form, the guaranty of the government that the country they now own should be, to them and their posterity, a permanent home forever, and that it should always be, and remain, outside of the limits of any organized territory or state. It is true that the lands 132 .. OUR INDIAN WARDS. owned bSpK CiRfokees, Choctaws, Chickasaws, Creeks, and Seminoles is in exces^of' whaf is necessary for their use, and with their consent freely given, portions of it might be dis- posed of without injury to them. There is, too, a class of their own race to whom it would be a great boon to be located on these reservations. All the Indians east of the Rocky Mountains, and in and west of the mountains also, could be gradually transferred to this Indian territory, and there pro- vided with good homes; and it is believed that the Indians owning it would assent, on fair terms, to an arrangement of this sort; but at this time Congress stands in the way of such a beneficent measure. The Sioux commission of 1876 in- serted a clause, in their agreement witli the Sioux, for the'sur- render of the Black Hills, looking to a gradual transfer of the Sioux to the Indian Territory, and sent down a delegation of the Sioux to inspect the country, with a view to that object. When the agreement came before Congress for its approval, that body made haste to strike o^it that part of it, and expressly directed the president to prohibit such removal. This action of Congress was, no doubt, quite gratifyingto the agents of the corporations who have covetous eyes set upon the Indian reser- vations within the Indian Territor}'; and it was not displeas- ing to those opposed to the measure, who reside in Kansas, Missouri, and Arkansas. Some few object to the transfer of northern Indians to the Indian Territory, alleging that the change of climate is disastrous to them, and offer as evidence the sickness and deaths among the Pawnees, Poncas, and Jo- seph's band of Nez Perees, that followed their removal. There were causes, other than the change of climate, to pro- duce the mortality among these Indians, to which reference is made ; and, at the present time, it is presumed that their san- itary condition is much improved. It is not believed there is any thing substantial in this objection. The Cherokees, who were southern Indians, suffered more, in their removal to the Indian Territory, than any other tribe. Indeed, they lost about one-fourth of their nuniber on the sad journey. There is nothing that has yet appeared that is a valid reason why northern Indians should not be colonized there, and it does seem that the friends of Indian civilization ought to take OUR INDIAN WARDS. • 133 j'mdiaa^e hold of this matter of the integrity of theTndiaa^erritory, and its dedication to the Indian race, jvith all their energy. It is helieved, as stated, that the civilized nations residing in and owning it, would be willing for the gradual colonization of their brethren within the territory, and, under proper ar- rangements, would engage to enter into the work, and aid in the civilization of such tribes as might be colonized there. It is a source of profound regret that the Indians in Kansas — the colonized tribes — were dispossessed as they were, and by reason thereof manj' of them nearly ruined and destroyed; yet this fact, while it reflects forcibly on the conduct of the white race, when dealing with the Indian, should not cause despondency or doubt as to his capability to accept civiliza- tion, and under proper care and training become a useful member of society. There are manj living examples among our Indian population, not only that the Indian is susceptible of civilization, but thut he is capable of taking respectable rank among the educated of our own race. Among the tribes in Kansas, when the pro and anti-'slavery parties rushed in to possess the land, there were many then so far advanced as to qualify them for the proper discharge of the duties incum- bent on civilized men in well-regulated communities. The treatment that such ones, as well as all the Indians, received from the maddened whites, who in their conduct disgraced civilization and violated every principle, of humanity, is a dark stain upon our nation's honor. In fact, the precipitate legislation by which the country was thrown open to the oc- cupation of the white race, in the face of the plighted faith of the government, was a crime, and the whole country has suffered the penalty. In the bitter discussions in Congress and among the people, in relation to the prohibition of the insti- tution of slavery in that territory, which assumed a sectional character, the seed was sown which bore fruit and resulted in our civil war. 134 OUR INDIAN WARDS. CHAPTER VIII. The eemotal of Indian tribes. — The stort of one kemovai- substantially THE STORT OF ALL. — The REMOVAL OF THE SaNTEE SiOUX AND WlNNEBAOO Indians. — The destruction of the buffalo and sjiall game. — Its effect ON THE Indians of the plains. The policy of removing Indian tribes from seat to seat, as the white settlements pressed upon them, which was adopted at a very eai-ly day, has at all times resulted disastrously to the Indians. VlPhas also been a fruitful source of corruption. It is believed rRat there are but few instances in which perfect good faith, in all respects, has governed in the removal of a tribe from an old to a new homeT^JIn numberless instances removals have been brought abdut, not because there was a necessity for them, but with a view to the plunder and profit that was expected to result from the operation. A volume could be filled with details of the most unhappy character; gi'owing out of those removals, and in what preceded and followed them, in which the Indians were cruelly treated and the government defrauded. A brief extract from a letter written in 1851, to an Indian agent, by a member of a firm that had grown wealthy in In- dian trade, and contracts for transportation and Indian re- movals, will show not only the watchfulness of persons engaged in such transactions, but illustrat^the mystery of correspond-, ence in relation to operations among the Indians. The extract \ is as follows : " During this short session there has been much j excitement, and but little efiected in these Indian matters/ Nothing done or moved in the Menominee matters ; they ar^ as before, and most likely will remain so for another year. In the meantime, if the president requires them to remove west, the contract for that object will be an object. Colonel Thomp- son will be at Washington for some time, and so will my brother. Write to them freely ; you will find them right and true. If that could be carried out as we talked the matter over, it would result in a good profit. Write \o my brother OUE INDIAN" "WARDS.. 135 about this. I have said to him what was proposed between you, Wright, and us. ... I am compelled to go in the morning to St. Louis, to provide funds for our transportation contract to New Mexico, and write in haste. "Will be back ir twenty days. We must try and make this business tell well yet." In 1863, the government removed the Santee Sioux and the Winnebago Indians from Minnesota to the Crow Creek agency, on the Missouri river, about one hundred and fifty miles above Yankton, in the Territory of Dakota. The guard that accompanied these Indians consisted of four commis- sioned officers, one hundred and thirty -five soldiers, and one laundress — in all, one hundred and forty persons. The num- ber of Santee Sioux transported was thirteen hundred and eighteen. For the transportation and subsistence of these Indians and the gnard, there was paid the sum of $36,322.10. The number of Winnebagoes transported was nineteen hun- dred and forty-five; for their transportation and subsistence there was paid the further sum of $56,042.60— making the whole amount paid the contractors, the sum of $95,864.70. The Sioux were transported from Fort Snelling to Han- nibal, Missouri, on two steamboats; one of the boats stopped there, and the Indians on it crossed over to St. Joseph, on the Missouri river, by rail. The other boat continued to the junction of the Mississippi and Missouri rivers, and thence up the latter to St. Joseph ; and here the Indians that crossed over by rail were put upon the boat, and from thence to Crow Creek all of them were on one boat. They were very much crowded from St. Joseph to Crow Creek. Sixteen died on the way, being without attention or medical supplies. All the Indians were excluded from the cabin of the boat, and confined to the lower and upper decks. It was in May, and to go among them on the lower deck was suffocating. They were fed on hard bread and mess pork, much of it not cookeil, there being no opportunity to cook it, only at night, when the boat laid up. They had no sugar, cofifee, or vegetables. Con- finement on the boat, in such a mass, and want of proper food, created much sickness, such as diarrhea and fevers. For weeks after they arrived at Crow Creek, the Indians died at 136 OUR INDIAN WARDS. the rate of from three to four per da^^ la a few weeks, one hundred and fifty had died, mainly on account of the treat- ment they received after leaving Fort Snelling. They were landed at Crow Creek on the first day of June, 1863. The season was unusually dry ; vegetation hurnt up, and no crop grovping ; some corn had been planted, but did not get more than four inches high before it wilted down. During the summer, the Indians were fed on flour and pork. They got no beef until fall. They suffered for want of fresh beef, as well as for want of medical supplies. In the fall, their rations began to fail, and the issue was gradually re- duced, and the Indians complained bitterly. About the first of September, a train of one hundred wagons arrived at Crow Creek, from Minnesota, loaded with goods and supplies for the Indian traders, and the Santee Sioux and Winnebago Indiana. The only supplies for the Santee Sioux, brought by the train, was flour. It was understood that when the train left Min- nesota, it contained some corn for these Indians, but none came to Crow Creek agency. Some pork was brought, but none of it was issued to the Santee Sioux ; but was issued to individual Indians in payment for work. After the arrival of the train, the ration issued to the Indians was flour and beef. The quantity was very short. The beef furnished was from the cattle that hauled the supplies from Minnesota. These cattle had traveled over three hundred miles, hauling the train, with nothing to eat but the dry prairie grass, there being no settlements on the route they came. The cattle were vei-y poor. Some died or gave out on the trip, and su>6^ were slaughtered, and the meat brought in on the train ^food for the Indians. About the first of January, 1864, near four hundred head of the cattle were slaughtered. Except the dry prairie grass, which the frost had ^tilled, these cattle had no food from the time they came to Crow Creek until they were slaughtered. A part of the beef thus made was piled up in the warehouse, in snow, and the remainder, in like manner, packed in snow outside. This beef was to keep the Indians until the coming June. The beef was black and very poor ; indeed, the greater part only skin and bone. Shortly after the arrival of the train from Minnesota, the contractors OUR INDIAN WARDS. 137 for supplying the Indians with flour, took about one hundred head of the oxen, selecting the best of them, yoked them up, and sent them with wagons to Sioux City, some two hundred aird forty miles, to haul up flour. This train returned in February, and- these oxen were then slaughtered and fed to the Indians. In January, the issue of soup to the Indians commenced. It was made in a large cottonwood vat, being cooked by steam carried from the boiler of the saw-mill, in a pipe, to the vat. The vat was partially filled with water, then several quarters of beef chopped up were thrown into it, and a few sacks of flour added. The hearts, lights, and entrails were added to the compound, a»d in the beginning a few beans were put into the vat, but this luxury did not continue long. This soup was issued every other day — to tlie Santee Sioux one day, the alter- nate day to the Winnebagoes. It was very unpalatable. On the day the Indians received soup, they had no other food issued to them. They were very much dissatisfied, and said they could not live on the soup, when those in change told them if they could live elsewhere, they had better go, but that they must not go to the white settlements. Many of them did leave the agency, some going to Port Sully, others to Fort Randall, in search of food. From a description of this nauseous mess, called soup, given by Samuel C. Haynes, then at Fort Randall, and assistant surgeon in the military service, it" is seen that the Indians had good cause to leave Crow Creek. He states that therewerethrown into the " vat, beef, beef heads, entrails of the beeves, some beans, flour, and pork. I think there were put into the vat two' barrels of flour each time, which was not oftener than once in twenty- four hours. This mass was then cooked by the steam from the boiler passing through the pipe into the vat. When that was done, all the~ Indians were ordered to come with their pails and get it. It was dipped out to the Indians with a long handled dipper, made for the purpose. I can not say the quantity given to each. It was about the consistency of very thin gruel. The Indians would pour off the thinner portion and eat that which settled at the bottom. As it was dipped out of the vat some of the Indians would get the thinner por- 138 OUR INDIAN WARDS. tions and some would get some meat. I passed there fre- quently when it was cooking, and was often there when it was being issued, and it had a very offensive odor; it had the odor of the contents of the entrails of the beeves. I have seen the settlings of the vat after they were through issuing :t to the Indians, when they were cleaning the vat, and the settlings smelt like carrion — like decomposed meat. The Santees and Winnebagoes were fed from this vat ; some of the Indians refused to eat it, saying they could not do so, as it made them sick. The Winnebagoes protested against such filthy cooking, and said they could not eat it ; they said it was only fit for hogs, and they said they were not hogs." ISTo clothing having been issued to the Santee Sioux or "Winnebagoes since 1862, they suffered much for want of proper apparel, and from this want, as well as from the lack of food, many were induced to go out on a buffalo hunt, Mr. Will- iamson, the missionary, went with them, although he was fearful they might perish ; yet such were their necessities that he encouraged them to go, fearing that if they did not they would starve before spring. About three hundred went out on the hunt in February. Mr. Williamson said that, in his opinion, if all the Santees and Winnebagoes had stayed at the agency during the winter, many of them would have starved to death. They were out about six weeks. On their return they found that the issue of soup had ceased, and the ration consisted of flour and beef; the beef that had been packed in snow during the winter. The ration consisted of about one-fourth of a pound of flour and three-fourths of a pound 6f beef, per head, per day, during the spring and summer. The flour had been hauled some three hundred, miles in wagons, without cover, and from rainfall on the way, such was the condition of the sacks containing the flour, that after all the loose flour was knocked out of them,' some of the sacks weighed thirty pounds. This flour was, issued to the Indians at ninety-eight pounds to the sack. It was all inferior flour. During the winter of 1864-5, the beef ^ was killed and packed in the same manner for the Santee Sioux, and the result was that many of the Indians left in search of food. It is stated that many of them went to dif- OUR INDIAN WARDS. 139 ferent points where military expeditions had camped, to pick up the scattered coi-n that had been left by tlie horses and mules, when fed, for the purpose of eating it, and also to pick up the dead mules and horses to eat. Mr. Williamson states that such treatment had a demoralizing influence on the Indians, many of the women being compelled to prostitute themselves in order to get something to eat. The Winnebagoes, not by reason of any thing done by them, but because of the massacre of the whites by the Sioux in Min- nesota, in 1862, andthe excited feeling growing out of that sad affair, were compelled to leave their reservation in that state. ^ Congress, in response to the demand of the people in the re- ^ gion in which they lived, passed an act pi'oviding for their removal. They had no previous warning, and remonstrated . against this act of injustice, but their protest was unheeded.' They were, as stated, taken on boats, and carried down the Mississippi and up the Missouri to Crow Creek. All were dissatisfied with their treatment on the journey, and their lo- cation at Crow Creek. Much sickness prevailed, and many died. They were living in Minnesota in peace and quiet, and had been so for years. They had made considerable advance- ment in civilization. Many of them had farms and houses, and had acquired habits of industry and economy. Such was their dissatisfaction at Crow Creek, that large numbers of them during the summer and fall made their waj' down the Missouri in canoes, landing at different points, where thej"^ managed to live through the winter of 1868-4. It is said that at the time of their forcible removal they were supplied with grain, stock, implements of husbandry, etc., most of which were stolen or destroyed, since they were unable to take their property with them. Little Hill, a "Winnebago chief, thus told the story at Dakota City, Nebraska, to a member of the joint committee of Congress, charged with the investigation of In- dian affairs in 1865. The chief said : " You are one of our friends, as it appears. We are very glad to meet you here. Here are some of our old chiefs with me, but not all. And we will tell you something about how we have lived for the four years past. Now you see me here to-day. Formerly I did not live as I now do. We used to 140 OUR INDIAN WAEDS. live in Minnesota. While we lived in Minnesota we used to live in good houses, and always took our Great Father's ad- vice, and did whatever he told us to do. We used to farm and raise a crojD of all we wanted every year. - While we lived there we had teams of our own. Each family had a span of horses or oxen to work, and had plenty of ponies; now we have nothing. While we lived in Minnesota another trihe of Indians committed depredations against the whites, and then we were compelled to leave Minnesota. We did not think we would be removed from Minnesota, never ex- pected to leave ; and we were compelled to leave so suddenly that we were not prepared; not many could sell their ponies and things they had. The superintendent of the farm for the Winnebagoes was to take care of the ponies we left there, and bring them on to where we went, but he only brought to Crow Creek about fifty, and the rest we do not know what became of them. Most all of us had put in our crops that spring before we left, and we had to go and leave every thing but our clothes and household things; we had but four days' notice. Some left their houses just as they were, with their stoves and household things in them. They promised they would bring all our ponies, but they only brought fifty, and the hostile Sioux came one night and stole all these away. In the first place, when we started from Minnesota they told us they had got a good country for us, where they were going to put us. . . . After we got on a boat we were as though in a prison. . . . We were fed on dry stuff all the time. . . . After we got there [to Crow Creek] they sometimes gave us rations, but not enough to go round most of the time. Some would have to go without eating two or three days. It was not a good country; it was all dust. Whenever we cooked any thing it would be full of dust. We found, after a while, that we could not live there. Many of them [the women and children] died because they could not get enough to eat. We do not know who was to blame. . . . They had a cottonwood trough made and put beef in it, and some'* times a whole barrel of flour and a piece of pork, and let it stand a whole night, and the next morning, after cooking it, would give us some to eat. We tried to use it, but many got OUR INDIA.N WARDS. 141 I ■■ sick on it and died. I am telling nothing but the truth. They also put in the unwashed intestines of the beeves, and the liver and the lights, and after dipping out the soup, the bottom would be very nasty and offensive. . . . The pork and the flour that we left in Minnesota that belonged to us, was brought over to Crow Creek and sold to us by our storekeepers at Crow Creek. . . . For myself, I though£^ I could stay there for a while, and see the country. But I found it wasn't a good country. I lost six of my children, and so I came down the Missouri. When I got ready to start some soldiers came there and told me if I started they would fire on me. I had thirty canoes ready to start. No one in- terceded witk the soldiers to permit me to go ; but the next night I got away, and started down the river; and when I got down as far as the town of Yankton, I found a man there and got some provisions ; then came on down further and got more provisions, and flien went on to the Omahas. After we got to the Omahas somebody gave me a sack of flour, and some one told us to go to the other side of the Missouri and camp, and we did so. We thought we would keep on down the river, but some one come and told us to stay, and we have been there ever since." Little Hill's narrative is quite lengthy, and in all its parts is corroborated by Big Bear, Little Chief, and Deeorah, all "Winnebago chiefs. Big Bear, in his testimony, contrasts the treatment of the Indians with what it was " many years ago " when they lived in-the State of Iowa, " when the men used to get two pairs of blankets apiece, but we do not know (said he) what becomes of the goods now." The story of these Indians is a sad but a truthful one; and is, in a certain sense, the story of all Indian removals; for, while precisely the sa"me train of-events may not have marred the pathway of all Indians in the process of removal, and the incidents preceding and following, yet all have suffered seriously, many being subjected to barbarous and inhuman treatment. When attempts have been made to remove an Indian tribe with fideli-ty, and to extend to the Indiana on the journey the semblance of such treatment as is due to human beings such cases being exceptional — disaster, discomfort, 142 OUR INDIAN WARDS. and suffering have been experienced. With such incidents repeated frequently in the life of each generation, as tokens of our civilization, should we be surprised that the savage is distrustful of us, and hesitates to accept as genuine our pro- fessions of friendship ? The joint committee of Congress that investigated the transactions connected with the removal of the Santee Sioux and Winnebago Indians, in reporting upon the case, said : " Of one" thing we may be assured, that no government can permit such injuries to go unredressed with- out incurring the penalty of treaties broken and justice vio- lated." This committee gathered a vast amount of testimony in relation to our Indian atiairs in all sections, from the Mis- sissippi river to the Pacific ocean, wherever Indians were located, and, among other things, came to the conclusion that 'In a large majority of cases Indian wars were to be traced to j , the aggressions of the whites, and that such wars were very j destructive, not only of the lives of the wa'rriors, but of the ' women and children also, often becoming wars of extermiua- '^^tion. The committee say: "The indiscriminate slaughter of men, women, and children has frequently occurred in In- dian wars." As a remedy for existing evils this committee proferred a bill to Congress, creating five boards of inspectors of Indian afi'airs, each to have a section of country within the states and territories, inhabited by Indians, composed of " men of high character, and organized in such manner and clothed with such powers as to supervise and inspect the whole ad- ministration of Indian aft'airs in its threefold character — civil, military, and educational." The report of the committee, with the testimony taken by it, forms a volume of more than five hundred pages, which may, prolmbly, be found stowed away in the document room at the capitol, in Washington, but the grave matters to which it called attention, have met with the same fate that kindred subjects, in previous and sub- sequent reports, involving the interests of a race, have re- ceived. Congress has signally failed to do its duty in the premises. The constant agitation of the removal of Indian tribes has a very pernicious influence on the Indians. This agitation is OUR INDIAN WAEDS. 143 kept up by the white people who live adjacent to and desire to possess themselves of the Indian lands. Unfortunately, ■Congress seems ever ready to gratify the desire of the whites to bereave the Indian of his home. A few examples of the effect produced by such agitation, are here presented from the annual report of the Hon. E. A. Hayt, commissioner of In- dian affairs for the year 1877 : The agent of the Selitz agency, in Oregon, says : " Hearing, as they constantly do, that the government is soon to drive them from the land they now occupy, in order to make room for the whites who want homes, they sometimes get discouraged, and conclude it is useless to improve what they are so soon to vacate." The agent of the Grand Rounde agency, in Oregon, says : " The Indians in this agency are kept in a constant state of insecurity^y reports of whites with whom they come in con- tact, to the effect that the\' are soon to be removed." The agent at Fort Defiance, Arizona, says : " The Indians are much attached to their homes, and dislike the idea of re- moval." The agent of the Kickapoos, in Kansas, says : " Many prac- tical and progressive Indians have been discouraged and de- terred from making improvements, upon which they had determined, tlirough fear that they would not be allowed to «njoy the benefit of them." The agent of the Ottoe Indians, in Nebraska, says : " The subject of removal that has been agitating these Indians for a number of years, has prevented, to a very great extent, active improvements among them." It will not be necessary to make further quotations from similar reports, to call the attention of all reflecting people to the subject, in order that the bad influences growing out of Indian removals may be understood. As a general thing there is no valid argument in favor of the removal of a tribe, when they are favorably located on land on which they can make their support. Eemovals simply to oust the Indians and let the whites have their land, must hav& an end. Every consideration founded in economy, justice, and humanitj', de- mands that the Indian have a fixed and settled home — to be 144 OUR INDIAN WABDS. in fact permanent. Without it his doom is sealed, and t extinction of the race only a question of time. With a p( manent home, fair dealing, and just treatment, the civilizati and elevation of the race in the social scale is assured. I it once be proclaimed as the unalterable law of the land tli Indian removals must cease; that the settler's patent is n more sacred than the Indian title to his land; that his hor is his castle, and the stride of the red man on the road progress will astonish his white brother, and ere long, inste of the constant pressure to remove him from his home, will have the confidence and even sympathy of his whi neighbor. When the commission appointed to endeavor to compc the trouble with Joseph's band of 1^-ez Perce Indians (in i lation to the Wallowa valley, in Oregon, claimed by tl band), held council with them in 1876, and asked them abandon their claim to the valley, within which a few whit were settled, that chief said : " The earth was his moth( He was made of the earth, and grew up upon its boso] The earth, as his mother and nurse, was sacred to his aifc tions, too sacred to be valued by, or sold for silver or gol lie could not consent to sever his affections from the lai that bore him. . . He asked nothing of the preside! He was able to take care of himself. . . He was dispos to live peaceably. He and his band had suffered wron rather than do wrong. One of their nunibcF wiis wicked slain by a white man last summer, but he would not aven, J)i8 death. But unavenged by him, the voice of that brothe: blood, sanctifying the ground, would call the dust of th( fathers back to people the land in protest of this gre wrong." The attachment exhibited by Joseph for the lai on which he was born, is common to all Indians, and the se timents uttered by the chief, indicate that with proper hel toward civilization, the race to which he belongs might I come an element in our society, not only bearable, but desii ble. When this chief or some of his people, driven to d( peration by oppression, and the forcible attempt to comj ihem to yield up the Wallowa valley, rose in resistance, toi the lives of some of the white settlers, and then comraenc OUR INDIAN WAEDS. 145 • that masterly retreat toward the British Possessions, such was his military skill and exemplary conduct, pursued as he was by various military commanders, with fresh troops, as to not only create surprise, but impress the reading public with a. high appreciation of his character. There is not at this time a'Single Indian reservation in any western state, or in any territory, on which intruders may not at all times be found ; while in many the " squatters " are almost as numerous as the Indians, and have such force and influence that they can not be, or at least are not, removed.. The government has lamentably failed in making good its treaty pledges, that Indians within their reservations shall be undisturbed by the intrusion of the whites. There are, in our past history, a few notable instances where the whites- have been expelled, and in more recent years a few spasmodic eflbrts have been made, rather to appease the Indians for th& time being, than to drive out the outTaws ; but no persistent and determined course has been adopted to compel implicit obedience to law on the part of the whites, and to fulfill, in good faith, our obligations to tlie Indians. In addition to the class of persons who "squat" on Indian lands for the pur- pose of residing and cultivating, or taking the timber from them, there is another large class who invade the reservation to rob and plunder the Indians. The effect, as may well be expected, is-to make the Indians i-estless ; to check their pro- gress; to engender strife, ofteu resulting in loss of life ; and in such cases, frequently troops move to the scene of disorder, not to drive off the intruders, but to punish the Indians, aa though they were the aggressors, and the matter terminates, finally, in tlae expulsion of the tribe, and its removal to a new_ home 1 The incessant destruction of the buffalo and other animals, as well as the game on the western prairies and the plains, and even in the mountain territories, has been a source of great injury to the native inhabitants. It has deprived the wild tribes of the support on which they had relied from time im- memorial, and often induced them to take to the war-path. As well might we expect the farmers in agricultural regions 10 146 OUR INDIAN WAEDS. • to witness with composure the destruction of their crops by an invading force, as to suppose that the nomad Sioux, Chey- enne, Arapahoe, Kiowa, or Comanche could witness the de- struction of the animals and game on which they relied for sustenance, with indifference. "When treaties were made, in 1867-8, with these Indians, assigning specific reservations to them, the right to roam and hunt was guaranteed to them in the territory outside of the same. By this right the In- dians not only acquire4 food, but tlie hides of the buffalo they killed were made into robes, and, with the skins of other animals, were sold, and thus they were supplied with such things as were useful and necessary. ZSTotwithstanding this fact, there has been a systematic and continuous effort to de- stroy the buffalo, as well as the small animals and game abounding at that time in certain localities. lu Dodge's " Plains of the Great West," a recent publication, "William' Blackmore, a distinguished and intelligent Englishman, who has for many years made excursions over our western plains, wrote the introductory chapter, and in it referred at some length to the destruction of the buffalo. lie said: "Before refer ling to the Indian tribes, I desire to add my testimony to that of Colonel Dodge, as to the wholesale and wanton destruction, during the last few years, of the buffalo. "When one reads of the total destruction, during three years (1872-3-4), of four millions and a half of the 'black cattle of Illinois,' out of which number upward of three million have been killed for the mere sale of their hides, it is at first almost impossible to realize what this slaughter represents, and how much good and nutritious animal f(jod, which would have fed the red men as well as the hardy settlers of the ' Great West,' has been wasted. " The figures speak for themselves. When in the West, in 1872, I satisfied myself, by personal inquiries, that the number of buffalo then being annually slaughtered for their hides, was at least one million per annum. In the autumn of 1868, whilst crossing the plains, on the Kansas Pacific Railroad, for a distance of one hundred and twenty miles, between Ells- worth and Sheridan, we passed through an almost unbroken herd of buffalo. The plains were blackened with them ; and OUR INDIAN WARDS. 147 •more than once the train had to stop, to allow unusually lai'ge herds to pass. A few years afterward, when traveling over the same line of railroad, it was a rare sight to see a few herds of from ten to twenty bufial^ A like result took place still further southward, between th^ Arkansas and the Cimarron rivers. In 1872, while on a scout for about a hundred miles south of Fort Dodge, to the Indian^erritory, we were never out of sight of bufl'alo. In the following autumn, on travel- ing over the same district, whilst the whole country was whitened with bleached and blackening bones, we did not meet buffalo until we were well in the Indian Territory, and then only in scanty bands. During this autumn, while riding some thirty to forty miles along the north bank of the Ar- kansas river, to the east of Fort Dodge, there was a con- tinuous line of putrescent carcasses, so that the air was rendered pestilential and oftensive tcJ the last degree. The hunters had formed a line of camps along the banks of the river, and had shot down the buffalo, night and morning; as they came to drink. In order to give some idea of the numbers of these carcasses, it is only necessary to mention that I counted sixty- seven on one spot, not covering more than four acres. " But this great loss of good and wholesome animal food, all of which, with a little judgment and foresight, could have been utilized, will be better understood by a reference to the statistics of cattle in other countries. On reference to the offi- cial agricultural returns of Great Britain, the United Kingdom, and British Possessions, and foreign countries, it will be seen that the wanton and wasteful slaughter for the three years in question (and in making the comparison I am keeping to the legitimate slaughter for hides, and not legitimate tor food), swept away more buffalo than there are cattle in Holland and Bel- gium, or as many as three-fourths of the cattle in Ireland, or one-half of those in Great Britain. " The result, therefore, would be the same as if a fearful murrain in one year had destroyed the whole of the cattle in Holland and Belgium, or, in the same time, if either three- fourtbs of the cattle in Ireland, or one-half of those in Great Britain, had been swept away by a plague as great as that of Jlgypt. 148 OUR INDIAN WARDS. " The citizens of the United States will better realize this great waste, if they consider that this destruction amounted annually to more than double of the annual drive of the cat- tle from Texas, which ranges from three hundred and fifty thousand to five hundred thousand head per annum ; or that it would have beeu the same, during the three years, as if half the cattle of Texas, or all the cattle in Canada, had been carried off" by some dire disease. "The mere loss of food, however, is not the only evil which has resulted from the wanton wastefi.ilness. Many of the wild Indians of the plains, deprived of their ordinary suste- nauce, government rations not being forthcoming, and driven to desperation by starvation, have taken to the war jiath ; so that, during the present war, many of the Cheyennes and Arapahoes, and some of the young braves from the friendly ' Red Cloud ' and ' Spotted Tail ' agencies, have left their reser- vations and joined the hostile Sioux under ' Sitting Bull' The- hardy settler and pioneer of the plains, who always looked to the buffalo for his winter supply of meat, has been deprived of this resource, and complains most bitterly of this slaughter for pelts." Mr. Blackmore pursues this subject at considerable length, and expresses surprise that the government should tolerate it, while seeking to enforce economy in all departments, and suggests, that " as it was allowed," it was a proper source of revenue as well as the seal in Alaska, and that for buffalo-, killed annually for the hides alone, a reasonable tax on each hide would have brought millions into the treasury. So far as the destruction of the buffido deprived the wild Indian of his most desirable and natural food, the deficiency had to be- supplied by the issue of rations, thus putting an additional bur- den of millions on the treasury of the nation. A vast number of buffalo, as well as deer, etc., and the small game, have been killed by parties visiting the plains for the ex- press purpose of hunting, and such parties, if successful, are profuse in the destruction of such game as falls in their way. In the country surrounding military posts the pursuit of the buffalo and other game is an amusement that the officers en- gage in, and the visitors to the posts are generally entertained OUR INDIAN WARDS. 149 with a hunt. Col. Dodge, in his book, refers to the pleasure of hunting as only an expert could. He thinks there is a vast deal of " enjoyment" in it, especially in a country where game is in great variety. He gives a specimen of a twenty days' hunt in the country south of Fort Dodge, on the tribu- taries of the Cimarron river, in the month of October, 1872, accompanied by three English gentlemen and an officer of the post. They killed 127 buffalo, 20 deer, 11 antelope, 154 tur- keys, 5 geese, 223 teal, 45 mallard, 49 shovel-bill, 57 widgeon, 38 butter-ducks, 3 sheldrakes, 17 herons, 6 cranes, 187 quail, 32 grouse, 84 field-plover, 33 yellow-leg snipes, 12 jacksnipes, 1 pigeon, 9 hawks, 3 owls, 2 badgers, 7 raccoon, 143 meadow- larks, doves, robbins, etc., 1 bluebird, and 11 rattlesnakes — total, 1,262. The next year the same party, diminished by one, went over nearly the same ground, with a bag of like variety, numbering 1,141. The colonel exults at the success of his party, and thinks it might challenge the whole world "to offer a greater variety of game to the sportsman." The wanton waste that this exhibit of the work of Col. Dodge's company of sportsmen presents, and the effect such destruction must have on the minds of the Indians who were compelPed to witness it all, does not seem to trouble him in the least. Mr. Blackmore was one of the gentlemen who made up Col. Dodge's hunting party, and while they can see an impropriety, a wanton waste in the destruction of the buf- falo, by those who kill the animal for the pelts, neither of -them seems to be at all concerned at the destruction and waste produced by the hunting parties, who go out chiefly for the excitement and amusement growing out of these expeditions. The destruction of the bufltalo and the game has, however, the same effect on the mind and temper of the Indian, whether done by professional hunters or by gentlemen who go out on a hunting excursion merely for the enjoyment im- parted by the sport. He looks upon the matter in a practical sense. It destroys his means of subsistence, deprives him of the pecuniary aid supplied by the sale of the robes and skins, and fills his mind with mingled feelings of despondency, des- peration, and revenge. In his work, Col. Dodge states that it was his " desire and 150 OUR INDIAN WAEBS. intention to have furnished complete and authentic official statistics of the number of hides of buffalo transported over the different railroad routes, and thus obtain a pretty accurate- knowledge of the numbers actually killed." To that end he made application, "either direct or through friends, to the officers of the various railroads which bring this product to market." To his very great surprise he states that he soon found he was treading on most delicate ground, the authori- ties of but one prominent road giving the desired information. After offering reasons which he considered futile why his re- quests were not complied with, Col. Dodge says that he was " constrained to believe that the refusal is prompted by fears that publicity in this matter might result in some legislation which would interfere with profits." This language seems rather cool, coming from one who, in many years' service on the plains, has done his share in destroying the subsistence of the native population, and thus actively aided in indelibly fixing in the minds of the Indians the impression that the white race is imbued with cruel and bitter feelings toward the red man. To cap the climax, Col. Dodge, like the most of military officers, is ready to join in the denunciation of the Indian as an irreclaimable savage, devoid of any noble im- pulses ; that he will not voluntarily do any thing good ; that he must be compelled, by punishment and force ; in short, that he must be given over to the army, and by the bayonet re- ceive lessons in civilization. OUR INDIAN WARDS. 151 CHAPTER IX. The Indians on the Pacific slopeJ Texas, New Mexico, and the territory EMBRACED IN UtaH, NeTADA, IdAHO, MoNTANA, WtOMING, COLORADO, ARI- ZONA, AND PART OP Dakota. — The incursions op whites previous to ant ARRANGEMENT WITH THE INDIANS.— COMPLICATIONS, WARS, AND TREATIES. — DestriiCtion OP Lieutenant Grattan's command. — Harney's campaign. — Operations op Lieutenant Dunn and Major Dowling.— Black Kettle's visit to Denver. — Chitikgton's attack on his village. — Destruction OP Colonel Fetterman's command. — Campaign op General Hancock. — Burning of the Cheyenne village, etc. With the vast territory which came to the United States at and shortly after the close of the war with Mexico, our In- dian population was largely increased. Some of the Indians on the coast in California, and the Navajoes and Pueblo In- dians in New Mexico, were sufficiently civilized to be self- supporting ; but the greater part of the Indians within our newly acquired territory were uncivilized. Moreover, the In- dians east of the Eocky Mountains, and west of Missouri, Arkansas, and Iowa (except those transplanted from the east of the Mississippi), were generally wild horsemen. The ex- citement through all the states in relation to the gold dis- covered in our new possessions, induced an immense emigra- tion, which at first was chiefly directed to California, Wash- ington, and Oregon. Many reached the Pacific slope by ship- ping from our Atlantic seaports to the isthmus of Panama, thence across to the Pacific, and thence by vessel to San Fran- cisco and other places on the coast, and from there into the interior. Large bodies, however, passed to the frontier of Missouri and Iowa, and thence across the plains. This gold- hunting emigration went in advance of any arrangements with the Indians, and was in no sense mindful of their rights. The result was that complications grew up and wars ensued, in which both races suffered. In the progress of trime the government sent a board of commissioners to the Pacific slope to make, if possible, such arrangements as would quiet 152 OUR INDIAN WARDS. the Indians, and at the same time assure to the emigrants protection. Congress made haste to pass a law granting homesteads to actual settlers. This law was passed before any steps were taken to extinguish the Indian title. These homestead grants stimulated emigration. On portions of the Pacific coast and in ISTew Mexico there was some population other than Indian, but of such very few were natives of the United States. "When the "Americans" first entered the country and came in contact with the Indians, they generally met with no opposition. Occasionally a petty theft was com- mitted, and some provisions or stock stolen, and for such oflfenses the punishment m.eted out to the savage was death. It was not long before the natives were killed, when met, simply because they were Indians. As stated, commissioners were sent out by the government to Oregon, "Washington, and California, for the purpose of negotiating with the Indians. It would seem from the first official report of Messrs. Gaines, Skinner, and Allen, who were operating in Oregon, that their instructions required that wherever a treaty was made with an Indian tribe, the entire Indian title must be extinguished, and no reservation left on which the tribe should dwell. These commissioners, in their correspondence, said : " We found ourselves compelled, against the wish of the government, as expressed in our in- structions, to accede to reservations in the land purchased. . . . The habitations of these people are, so far as regards place, not only permanent but hereditary, and they are pos- sessed of local attachments of the strongest kind." Of the land reserved for the use of the Indians they said : " That these reservations will cause any considerable annoyance to the whites we do not believe. They consist, for the most part, of ground unfitted for cultivation, but suited to the pecu- liar habits of the Indians." These representatives of the go-vernment took care to consult with the whites adjacent to the reservations, and since the land within them was unfit for cultivation, and the boundaries were adjusted to their satis- faction', no objection was made. Indeed, the commissioners said, " in most cases we found no desire felt to remove the In- dians altogether, as they render themselves useful in many OUR INDIAN WARDS. 153 "ways, as laborers and servants." Referring to the Indians ia western Oregon, the commissioners say: "In their present condition they are peaceful and harmless, and the origin of no other mischief than an occasional petty theft, although subject to certain temptations from intercourse with the whites." Very soon after the occupation of the Oregon territory by our adventurers, they established a provisional government, and one of the first laws enacted by it had a provision in it that no negro, mulatto, or Indian should be a witness in any court against a white man, and the act of Congress organizing the territory provided that " the laws now (then) in force in the Territory of Oregon, under the authority of the provisional government, established by the people thereof, shall continue to be valid and operative therein, so far as the same be not incompatible with the constitution of the United States, and the principles of this act." The commissioners operating in California, McKee, Barbour, and Woozencroft, at an early day gathered the representatives of sixteen different bands of Indians, at Camp Barlow, on the San Joaquin river, and concluded a treaty with them for their lands, reserving a tract along the foot hills of the Sierra !CTe- vada, for an Indian reservation for these bands, of which the ■commissioners say, that " while apparently liberal in extent, it is not likely to be ever coveted by the whites, and as a general thing is of no value for common agricultural purposes. It is also outside the mining or gold district, and so far as we can ascertain, not more than one Mexican grant, and that of very doubtful authenticity, covers any part of it." The commis- sioners further say that " the Indians we have met here are, generally, a hale, healthy, good-looking people, not inferior to their red brethren in the southwestern states; and from having among them many who, in early life, were attached to the old missions of this country, have already some knowledge of letters, stock raising, and agriculture. We think they will, therefore, make rapid improvement, when schools, etc., shall be established among them." The emigration was incessant, and those who came paid no attention to the reservations assigned to the Indians. It did not matter with them whether the land could or could not be iT' 154 OUR INDIAN "WAEDS. cultivated; it was believed that gold was hidden in the earthy and hence it was invaded by the whites. If the Indians man- ifested dissatisfaction, they were rudelj' treated, if not killed. It was not long until the respect originally manifested for the "Americans" was supplanted by disgust and hatred. The encroachments of the whites and their unjust conduct toward the natives, finally brought on the Oregon and Washington war, in which the lives of many of our citizens and soldiers^ as well as the lives of many Indians were sacrificed, and mil- lions of money expended. In one of their reports, the California commissioners say: " The common and favorite abode of the Indians in this coun- try was in the valleys and the range of mountains. The greater portion were located and had resided as long as their recollections and traditions went, on the ground now being turned up for gold, and occupied by the gold hunters, by whom they have been displaced and driven higher up in the range of mountains, leaving their fisheries and acorn grounds- behind. They have been patient in endurance, until neces- sity taught them her lesson (which they were not slow to learn, as it is measurably instinctive with the Indians), and thus they adopt from necessity that \vhich was deemed a virtue among the Spartans, and the result is we have an incipient border war; many lives have been lost, and an incalculable amount of property stolen." That the reader may have an idea of the mode and manner in which the "Americans" introduced their civilization among the Indians on the Pacific slope, two incidents out of many such that occurred, are here given. At an early day a party started np the coast from San Francisco on a gold hunting expedition. They had a vessel loaded with supplies, tools, etc., sufficient for a substantial outfit. After sailing up ta near the southern boundary of Oregon, they landed, when a portion of them immediately set out on a tour of exploration, • leaving the remainder to discharge the cargo and in due time follow their comrades. About thirty Indians came to the beach, and at the request of the "Americans" proceeded to- help unload the vessel. The Indians labored faithfully for the new comers. There wereon the vessel two pieces of can- OUE INDIAN WARDS. 155 non, and a supply of guns and pistols. In the bay near the landing and close to the vessel, there was a large rock, the top surface of which was above the water, and of sufficient area to accommodate many persons. The cannon, when re- moved from the vessel, were placed upon this rock and in proper position. When the Avork was completed, the Indians were requested to come on the rock to receive pay for their labor. As they passed up in Indian file, at the proper mo- ment, the guns were brought to bear upon them, and all but two were killed. In 1853, Captain Wright surprised a few Modoc Indians,, took them to his camp and treated them kindly, and then sent them, with presents of tobacco and calico, to their peo- ple, and by this means he opened negotiations for a council to arrange for a treaty. In due time it was agreed that the prin- cipal men of the Modocs should meet Captain Wright at a place designated on Lost river, for a preliminary council. Oa the appointed day some fifty of the chiefs and head men at- tended. The force of Wright was about equal in numbers, aud they were drilled for the occasion. It was agreed that the filling and lighting of the pipe of Wright during the de- liberation of the council should fee the signal for action. As the wreath of smoke ascended, fifty revolvers were drawn from their concealment, the possessors being distributed among the Indians, and every Modoc save two, was instantly killed. Such incidents as these, and there were many in some degree like them, bore fruit, resulted in retaliation, and finally in a general Indian war. To meet the complications existing in California, Congress, in the winter of 1852-3, appropriated two hundred and fifty thousand dollars to defray the expenses of removing the In- dians in that state to five military reservations of not more than twenty-five thousand acres in each. When the plan was about to be put into operation, it appeared that it was difficult to obtain suitable locations for such reservations, in the re- gions designated, since there were alleged claims to the lands i>unded upon Spanish and Mexican grants. The superintend- ent concluded to purchase the lands embraced in the reser- vations from those who held such grants, subject to the ratifi- 166 OUR INDIAN WARDS. • cation of Congress. Thus new complications grew up in California, while in Texas, New Mexico, Utah, Washington, and Oregon, Indian affairs were in an unsettled condition, arising out of the constant encroachments of the whites, and resulting in loss of life on both sides. In this condition of things, the commissioner of Indian affairs, in November, 1853, recommended that a board of commissioners, composed of able, practical, impartial, and upright men, be sent without •delay to all our remote possessions, with a view to such con- ventional and other arrangements as should be deemed proper and necessary to place our Indian relations there on a safe, stable, and satisfactory basis. Congress made no provision for such commission, and outbreaks among the Indians con- tinued, resulting in loss of life, destruction of property, and working great demoralization among the natives. In 1851 it was found necessary to make some arrangement with the wild Indians of the plains and mountains, by which the right of transit through the country claimed by them, should be assured to the multitudes going across the plains to our distant possessions ; and on the 17th of September of that year, at Fort Laramie, a treaty was made with the Sioux or Dakota, Cheyenn», Arapahoe, Crow, Assiniboine, Gros Ventre, Mandan, and Arickaree Indians, who claimed most of the country east of the Kocky Mountains, north of Texas and ISTew Mexico, south of the Missouri, and west of the emigrated tribes. By this treaty the boundaries of ■the territory of each tribe were defined, and they all agreed to abstain from hostilities against each other, and maintain friendly relations. They also agreed that the United States might establish roads and military posts within their limits; and in consideration of these concessions, the government agreed to protect them from depredations on the part of the whites, and to give them in goods suited to their wants, yearly, for fifty years, the sum of fifty thousand dollars, to be di- vided ratably among them. The Senate amended the treaty to limit the annuity to a period of fifteen years. In the fall of 1852, the commissioner of Indian affairs reported that " not- withstanding the mountain and prairie Indians continued to suffer from the vast number of emigrants who pass through OUR INDIAN WARDS. 157 their country, destroying their means of support, and scatter- ing disease and death among them, yet those who were par- ties to the treaty of Fort Laramie, in the fall of 1851, have been true to their obligations, and have remained at peace among themselves," and this state of things continued until in the month of August, 1S§4:, when, by the folly of a young mili- tary officer, then in command at Fort Laramie, it was inter-/ rupted. Some bands of the Dakota Indians, parties to the Laramie treaty, were at that time in camp at a point about eight miles from the fort, awaiting the agent, then on the Ar- kansas, and on his way to these Indians, to distribute to them, their share of the fifty thousand dollar annuity. While thus encamped, a Mormon train passed by on its way to Utah, and^. a cow in the rear, and belonging to the train, left the road and went into the Indian camp. This cow was killed by some of the Indians. The Mormons, on arriving at the fort, re- ported the fact, when Lieutenant Fleming, in command, or- dered Lieutenant Grattan, with a file of soldiers, to proceed to the Indian camp, and arrest the Indian or Indians who killed the cow. At the time there were but few troops at Laramie, and nearly one-half of these were absent on the Platte river cutting hay. Lieutenant Grattan took twenty- nine men and an interpreter, and set out to execute the order. Wheu he arrived at the trading post, near the Indian camp, and told his mission, the trader advised him not to enter the camp, and proposed that he would go in and bring but the chief to see Grattan. The lieutenant replied that he had come to arrest the party that killed the cow, and intended., to do so. In addition to the muskets of the men, the e.xpedi- tion had two pieces of cannon, and they were not without stimulant, the interpreter being in such condition that he talked to the Indians in a very indiscreet manner. He told them, among other things, that the soldiers had come there to " cut the d d hearts out of them ; " that they had come to kill Indians, and intended to do so. The troops went into camp, Unlimbered their guns, and fired them, as well as a volley from their muskets. They killed one, and mortally wounded several of a band of Brule Sioux, when the Indians became aroused and advancing toward the trOops, the latter retreated,-. 158 OUE INDIAN WAEDS. followed Ly the Sioux. In the conflict the lieutenant and all his men were killed. The Indians, without waiting longer, for the arrivaloftheir agent, went to the warehouse near by, where their annuity goods were in store, took them, and sep- arated for their homes. Although able to have stormed Fort Laramie, and taken away all its military stores, they did not commit any violence on the fort or its inmates. The secretary of war did state that they had designs on the fort, with the inten- tion to seize all the public and private stores there, but there was no foundation for such statement. On account of this aftkir Congress authorized an addition of three regiments to the reg- ular army, and then followed G-eneral Harney's " Sioux Expe- dition." The crowning act of General Harney's campaign, and which he pompously styled the " Battle of the Blue Water,'Jj took place on the 22d of September, 1855, in northwestern Nebraska or northeastern "Wyoming. He li card that a Brul6 band of Sioux, of which Little Thunder was principal chief, was with his braves, and women and children, encamped at this point, and moved immediately for them, and at half-past four o'clock in the morning commenced an attack on this unoffending village, the inhabitants of which had no more to do in the affair with Lieutenant Grattan than General Har- ney had. He threw his cavalry around in the rear of the vil- lage, and in the direction the Indians would retreat when he attacked them in front. He says in his official report that the cavalry movement " was executed in a most faultless manner by Colonel Cook, to secure a position to cut off the retreat of the Indians, and was effected without attracting their atten- tion." When General Harney moved upon the village, the Indians commenced a retreat up the valley, precisely in the direction that Cook's cavalry was coming toward them. The Indians halted short of the cavalry, and General Harney held a parley with the chief, in which he (Harney) stated the causes of dissatisfaction, and " that the Indians had massacred our troops under the most aggravated circumstances, and now the day of retribution had come ; that he did not wish to harm him (Little Thunder) personally, as he professed to be a friend of the whites, but that he must deliver up the young -men whom he acknowledged he could not control, or they OUR INBIAN WARDS. 159 -must suffer the consequences of their past misconduct, and take the chances of battle. N"ot being able, of course, how- ever willing, to deliver up all the butchers of our people. Lit- tle Thunder returned to his band. I, immediately after his -disappearance from my view, ordered the troops to advance. The skirmishers opened their fire around the bluffs, on the right bank of the stream, in a very spirited manner, and gal- lantly driving the savages into the snai'e laid for them by the cavalry, which last troops burst upon them so suddenly and so unexpectedly as to cause them to cross instead of ascending the valley of the Blue Water, and seek an escape by the only avenue now open to them. . . . The result of the affair was, eighty-six killed, five wounded, and seventy women and children captured, and fifty mules and ponies taken. The provisions and camp equipage were all destroyed. The troops were eager from the first for a fray with the butchers of their comrades." General Harney omitted in his report, above quoted, to state that he killed a number of women and chil-^ dren, which he did do. Except this omission, we have his own unvarnished story of how he treated an innocent band of Sioux Indians, who were in nowise involved in the sad -affair with Lieutenant Grattan's command. General Har- ney wore the uniform of a brigadier-general in the United States army, and such was his rank, and yet in this report he admits that he set a trap for these hapless people, who were not a war party, but a band of peaceful Indians, men, women, , and children, residing at Ash Hollow, on the Blue Water; that he made demands of the -chief, that he knew, however willing, he could not comply with. This, however, is not a;n isolated case. It is the common practice of our troops, when out on expeditions to kill Indians whenever found, without care to know whether they be guilty or innocent. Serious trouble grew out of General Harney's campaign, and many white people lost their lives, by reason of the complication*' which followed. Contemplating the condition of the Indian population in the vast territory to the west, and the rapid flow of our own population into it, and the conflicts which were ever recurring :a,nd never ending, the commissioner of Indian affairs, in the 160 OUE INDIAN WARDS. fall of 1856, said : " The wonderful emigration to our newly- acqnired states and territories, and its effect upon the wild tribes inhabiting them, and the plains and prairies, is well Ciileulatod, at the present period, to attract special attention. E"ot only are our settlements rapidly advancing westward from the Mississippi river toward the Pacific ocean, and from the shores of the Pacific eastward toward the Mississippi, but large settlements have been made in Utah and 'New Mexico, between the two. Already the settlements of Texas are exr tending np to El Paso and spreading into the Gadsden pur- -"hiise, and those of California have reached into the great Viilley of the Colorado, whilst the settlers of Minnesota are bnilding cities at the very head of Lake Superior, and vil- lages in the remote valley of the Red river of the North, on their way to Puget Sound." The commissioner continued, at some length, to cite the projected railroads, and other im- provements, calculated, as they progressed, to affect the con- dition of the Indians, and operate as a check to their civili- zation, unless some means were adopted to counteract the in- jurious effect of these measures, and then he adds: "As sure as these great physical changes are impending, so sure will? these poor denizens of the forest be blotted out of existence, and their dust be trampled under the foot of rapidly ad- vancing civilization, unless our great nation shall generously determine that the necessary provision shall at once be made,, and appropriate steps be taken to designate suitable tracts or reservations of land, in proper localities, for permanent homos for, and provide the means to colonize them thereon.' Such reservations should be selected with great care, and- when determined upon and designated, the assurances by which they are guaranteed to the Indians should be irrevoca- ble, and of such a character as to effectually protect them, from encroachments of every kind." The absorbing topic, at this time, in Congress and the coun- try, was the slavery question, and the toleration or prohibi- tion of the institution in our new acquisitions lying south of 36° 30' north latitude. The partisans in this controversy, which convulsed the whole country, had no dispute in rela- tion to the Indians. It is true they had but recently owned the OUR INDIAN WARDS. 161 country about- which this fierce controversy was waged ; and, although in one way and another, much of it had been wrested from them, no satisfactory arrangement or adequate pro- vision had been made with them for their future protection and care. Treaties with many tribes had been made; but these were not ratified for some time after this period. The pro-slavery and free-soil champions failed to see any thing wrong in this unsettled condition of the Indian race. Indeed,, to those who observed closely, it was difficult to decide which of these parties was the most oppressive and cruel in its con- duct toward the red man. It was no uncommon thing to see representative men of both parties, while in violent hostility on the question of " free soil," in Kansas, participating in,, and enjoying, the plunder taken from the Indians. Such seemed to have as little scruple in invading the rights of the Indians as they would feel remorse in treading on a reptile in their path. Without going into the detail it may be stated that the flow of population, which continued toward our new terri- tories, did not all, as in the beginning, reach the Pacific slope. Many dropped out of the overland caravans by the wayside, at points where wood and water were found, and ranches sprang up on the plains and toward the base of the moun- tains, and in the valleys of the rivers. By the Fort Laramie treaty, which defined the boundaries of the several tribes par- ties to it, the home of the Cheyennes and Arapahoes was bounded as follows : " Commencing at the Red Butte, or the place where the road leaves the north fork of the Platte river, thence up said north fork of the Platte to its source, thence along the main range of the Rocky Mountains to the head- waters of the Arkansas river, thence down -the Arkansas river to the crossing of the Santa F6 road, thence in a north- westerly direction to the forks of the Platte river, and thence up the Platte river to the place of beginning." Within these boundaries is embraced most of what is now western Kansas and the larger portion of Colorado. It is an eligible body of land, equal in area to two of our larger states. Several years previous to the commencement of our civil war, gold and sil- 11 162 DUE INDIAN WAEDS. ver were discovered in the mountains of Colorado, and thou- sands, who had only the right to pass through the country, took possession of the land and went to mining. Against the protests of the Indians they opened mines, built towns, and opened farms and roads. They crowded the Indians from the high lands where they lived into the valley of the Arkan- sas. The Indians had been generous to the white intruders, but when driven from their homes, they became sullen and •dissatisfied. The treaty of 1851 gave them the pledge that the United States would protect them against the commission of all depredations upon them by its citizens. They knew very well the wrong done them, and that the stipulations of .the treaty had not been complied with. In the language of the commission of 1867-8, known as the Peace Commission : " These Indians saw their former homesand hunting grounds overrun by a greedy population thirsting for gold. They saw their game driven east to the plains, and soon found them- selves the objects of jealousy and hatred. They, too, must go. The presence of the injured is too often painful to the wrong- doer, and innocence offensive to the eye^ of guilt. It now be- came apparent that what had been taken by force must be retained by the ravisher, and nothing was left for the Indians hut to ratify a treaty consecrating the act. On the 18th of February, 1861, this was done at- Fort Wise, Kansas. These tribes ceded their magnificent possessions, enouglT'to consti- tute two great states of the Union, retaining only a small dis- trict for themselves." This reservation lies on both, ddes of the Arkansas, extending from the mouth of the Sandy Pork to the mouth of the Purgatory. In consideration of this ces- sion the United States entered into new obligations. " Jfot being able (in the language of the conimission of 1867-8) to protect them in the larger reservation, the nation resolved that it would protect them 'in the quiet and peaceable possession' of the smaller tract. Second, to pay each tribe thirty thou- sand dollars per annum for fifteen years; and third, that houses should be built, lands broken and fenced, and stock animals and agricultural implements furnished. In addition to this, mills were to be built, and engineers, farmers, and me- chanics sent among them. These obligations, like the obliga- OUR INDIAN WARDS. 163 "tions of 1851, furnished glittering evidences of humanity to the reader of the treaty. Unfortunately the evidence stopped at that point." From the date of this treaty, February 18, 1861^,^ to Apri l 12, 1 864, the Cheyenne and Arapahoe Indians"were at peace : " On that day (in the language of the commission of 1867-8) a ranchman named Ripley came to Camp San- born, and stated that Indians had stolen his stock. Of what tribe they were he did not know, lie asked and obtained troops for the purpose of pursuit. Lieutenant Dunn, with forty men, was put under Ripley's guide, with instructions to disarm the Indians found in possession of the stock. Beyond Tiis representation nb one knew who Ripley was. That he owned stock his own word was given — no one else said he ■did. During the day Indians Were found. Ripley claimed some of the horses. The lieutenant ordered the soldiers to stop the herd, and ordered the Indians to come forward and talk. Some of them rode forward, and when within a few feet of him, Dunn ordered his men to dismount and disarm the Indians. They, of course, resisted, and a fight ensued. "What Indians they were he knew not; from bows and ar- rows found he judged them to be Cheyenggs. "Duun getting the worst of the fight, returned to camp, obtained a guide, and a remount, and the next morning started again. In May following. Major Downing, of the iirst Colorado cavalry, went to Denver and asked Colonel Chivington to give him a force to move against the Indians, for what purpose we do not know. Chivington gave him the men, and the following are Major Downing's own words : ' I captured an Indian and required him to go to the village, or I would kill him. This was about the middle of May. We started about eleven o'clock in the day, and traveled all day and all night; about daylight I succeeded in surprising the Cheyenne village at Cedar blufii's, in a small valley, sixty miles north of South Platte river. We commenced shooting. I ordered the men to commence killing them. They lost, as I am informed, some twenty-six killed and thirty wounded. My own loss was one killed and one wounded. I burnt up their lodges, and every thing I could get hold of, I took no 164 OUK INDIAN WARDS. prisoners. We got out of ammunition, and could not pursue' them.' " In this camp the Indians had their women and children. He captured one hundred ponies, which the officer says were distributed among the boys for the reason that they had been marching almost constantly day and night for nearly three weeks ! This was done because such conduct ' was usual (he said) in New Mexico.' About the same time, Lieutenant Ayres, of the Colorado troops, had a difficulty, in which an Indian chief, under a flag of truce, was murdered. During the summer and fall occurrences of this character were fre- quent. Some time during the fall. Black Kettle and other prominent chiefs of the Cheyenne and Arapahoe nations, sent word to the commander at Fort Lyons that the war had been forced upon them, and they desired peace. They were then upon their own reservation. Major E. W. Wynkoop, then of the first Colorado cavalry, did not feel authorized to con- clude a treaty with them, but gave them a pledge of military protection until an interview could be procured with the gov- ernor of Colorado, who was then superintendent of Indian affairs. He then proceeded to Denver with some of the leading chiefs to see the governor. Colonel Chivington was present at the interview. _ Major Wynkoop, in his sworn tes- timony, thus relates the action of the governor, when he communicated the presence of the chiefs "seeking peace : ' He (the governor) intimated that he was sorry I had brought them ; that he considered he had nothing to do witl-u them ; that they had declared war against the United States, and he- considered them in the hands of the military authorities ; that he did not think it was policy anyhow_^to make peace with them, until they were properly punished, for the reason that the United States would be acknowledging themselves whipped.' Major Wynkoop further states that the 'gov- ernor said the third regiment of Colorado troops had been raised on his representation at Washington, to kill Indians, and Indians they must kill.' Wynkoop then ordered the In- dians to move their villages nearer to the fort,,and bring their women and children, which was done. In November, this officer was removed, and Major Anthony, .of the first. Colo- OUE INDIAN WAEDS, 165 rado cavalry, ordered to take command of the fort. He, too, assured the Indians of safety. They numbered about five bundred men, women, and children. It was here, under the pledge of protection, that they were slaughtered by the third Colorado and a battalion of the first Colorado cavahy, under command of Colonel Chivington. He marched from Denver to Eort Lyon, thence to Sand creek, and about daylight on the morning of the 29th November, surrounded the Indian camp, and commenced an indiscriminate slaughter. The par- ticulars of this massacre are too well known to be repeated here with all its heartrending scenes. It is enough to say that it scarcely has its parallel in the records of Indian barbarity. Fleeing women, holding up their hands and praying for mercy, were brutally shot down ; infants were killed and scalped in derision; men were tortured and mutilated_jn a manher~tIiat"would put to shame the savage ingenuity_of_in^ terior Africa. No one will be astonished that a war ensued which cost the government $30^000^000^ and conflagration and death to the border settlements^ During the spring and summer of 1865, no less than eight thousand troops were drawn from the effective force engaged in suppressing the re- bellion, to njeet this Indian war. The result of the year's campaign satisfied all reasonable men that war with Indians was useless and expensive. . . To those who reflected on the subject, knowing the facts, the war was something more than useless and expensive; it was dishonorable to the na- tion, and disgraceful to those who had originated it. " When the utter futility of conquering a peace was made manifest to every one, and the true cause of the war began to be developed, the country demanded that peaceful agencies should be resorted to. Generals Harney, Sanborn, and others were selected as commissioners to procure a council of the hostile tribes, and in October, 1865, they succeeded in doing so at the mouth of the Little Arkansas. At this council the Cheyennes and Arapahoes were induced to relinquish their reservation on the upper Arkansas, and accept a reservation, . partly in southern Kansas and partly in the Indian Territory, lying immediately south of Forts Larned and Zarah. The object was to' remove them from the vicinity of Colorado. 166 OUR INDIAN WAEDS. . . . When this treaty came to the Senate for ratification, it was so amended as to require the president to designate for these tribes a reservation outside of the State of Kansas." This provision deprived them of any home at all, except the hunting privilege reserved by the treaty. At the same time (October, 1865) agreements were made with the Kiowas, Co- manches, and Apache Indians, and so soon as these treaties were signed, the war of nearly two years' duration ceased at once. Travel on the plains was again safe. What eight thou- sand troops had failed to give, this simple agreement, which was virtually rendered valueless by the Senate amendment, and bearing nothing but a pledge of friendship, obtained. From that time until the fall of 1866, peace on the part of the Indians prevailed. General Sherman, during this period, traveled without an escort to the most distant military posts, and yet with a feeling of perfect security. In the year 1866, the Sioux Indians became dissatisfied at the great emigration, through their country, of parties at- tracted to Montana by the stories of wonderful gold discoveries in that territory. The route called the Powder river route was the popular one, and yet the one that the Indians objected to most seriously. This country, by the assignment of bound- aries to the different tribes, by the Laramie treaty of 1851, was recognized as Sioux territory. It was true that by that treaty the Indians conceded the right to the government to locate roads through, and establish military posts in it, and for this privilege they were -to receive a share of the fifty thousand dollar annuity, for fifty successive years. This the Senate amended, so that the annuity was to be only for fifteen years. The amendment was never agreed to by the Indians. In fact, it was never submitted to them. The annuity ceased in 1865, and the Indians-claimed that the grant then ceased also. They did not object to travel through their country, entirely', but did protest Earnestly against the use of the Pow- der river route, since that was their buffalo range, and its preservation was, in their condition, indispensable. They could not exist, at that time, without the buffalo, as they had no other resource for food. In March, 1866, General Pope, then in command of the department of the Missouri, ordered OUR INDIAN WABDS. 167 the establishment of military posts on that route. The Iowa legislature had, by resolution, called on GeneiaL Sherm an for military protection to emigrants going into Montana, «nd he, in reply, had assured the public that such as went by the Powder river route should find a well-guarded road all the way. During the summer, when troops were ordered to gar- rison Forts Phil Kearney, MePherson, and Reno, the Indians notified the government that the occupation of the country b> troops would be resisted ; but the warning was unheeded: An attempt was then made to compose the matter by treaty. In the council, the Indians insisted that the troops must be withdrawn before a treaty was made. This was refused, and some of the Indians did reluctantly sign the treaty, while others declined ; and Eed Cloud retired from the council, and, placing his hand upon his rifle, said : " In this, and the Great Spirit, I trust for the right." In a short time, a fierce war began. Emigrant travel ceased, the forts were besieged, and the mountains and valleys swarmed with Indian warriors. On the 21st of December, a wood party, from Fort Fetterman, was attacked, when Lieutenant-colonel Fetterman went out from the fort to relieve it. A fight followed, in which every ^ man of our forces was killed. There was a route through the Sioux country to Montana, said to be preferable to this Powder river route, and to the travel on which the Indians offered no objection, but the military had decided that the route they in- dicated should be kept open. The attempt to do this, kept up hostilities during the year 1867, and in the" spring of 1868, in the treaty then made with the Sioux, the government agreed to, and did, abandon her posts, and close up the road on the - Powder river route to Montana. When the trouble began with the Sioux, in 1866, some of them, who desired to avoid war, and were willing to have yielded this route to our travel, came south. They visited the valley of the Republican river, in western Kansas, and thence south as far as Fort Larned. Their movements created un- easiness among the freighters on the plains, and the people in the settlements became alarmed. The military posts also be- came disturbed. In the fall, the traders on the Arkansas were prohibited from selling arms to the Indians. In January, 168 OUR INDIAN TVA-RDS. 1867, Major Douglas, of the Third Infantry, communicated to General Hancock his fears. He did not specify any hostile act of the Indians, but stated that Kicking Bird, a Kiowa chief, and rival of Satanta, said that Satanta talked of war, and said he would commence when the grass grew in the spring. In February, Captain Smith, of the Nineteenth In- fantry, in command of Fort Ai'buclde, reported to General OxA, at Little Rock, and the report was at once forwarded to 'ui.e department of the Missouri, that a negro child and some stock had been taken off by the Indians, before he took com- mand. His informant was one Jones, an interpreter. In his letter, he used the following language: " I have the honor to state further, that several other tribes than the Comanches have lately been noticed on the war-path, having been seen, in their progress, in unusual numbers, and without their squaws and children — a fact to which much significance is attached by those conversant with Indian usages. It is thought by many white residents of the territory, that some of these tribes may be acting in concert, and that plundering incursions are at least in contemplation." After enumerating other reports of wrongs (coming, perhaps, from Jones), he said that, in reporting, he had deferred to the views of white persons who, from long residence among the Indians, were competent to advise him, and that his communication was "more particularly the embodiment of their views." This JiTQught ten additional companies of troops to his post. Captain Asbery, at Fort Larned, reported that a small party of Cheyennes had compelled a ranchman near that post to cook supper for them, and then threatened to kill him because he had no sugar. Finally, on the 9th of February, Joms, the Kiowa interpreter, filed, with Major Douglas, at Fort Dodge, an affidavit that he had recently visited the Kiowa camp, in company with Major Page and John E. Tappan, on a trad- ing expedition. That the Indians took from them flour, sugar, rice, and apples ; that they threatened to shoot Major Page, because he was a soldier, and tried to kill Tappan. He (Jones) said they shot at him. He also said that Satanta re- quested him to say to Major Douglas, that he demanded that the troops and military posts be at once removed, and also OUE INDIAIf WARDS. 169 that the railroads and mail stages must be stopped at once. Satanta also requested him to tell Douglas that he hoped the government stock was in good condition, as he would be over in a few days to get it. Jones further said, that while at the camp, an Indian war party came in, having with them two hundred horses, and the scalps of seventeen negro soldiers and one white man. All this information was at once dis- patched to General Hancock ; and a short time thereafter, and before any verification of this startling news, he com- menced to organize the expedition which thereafter marched to the Pawnee fork of the Arkansas, and burned the Cheyenne village. , The commission of 1867-8 thus refer to these mat- ters : I '~~ " On the 11th of March following. General Hancock ad- dressed a letter to Major "Wynkoop, then the agent of the Cheyennes and Arapahoes, stating that 'he had about com- pleted arrangements for moving a force to the plains.' Pie said that his object was to show the Indians that he was * abie to chastise any tribes who molest people traveling across the plains.' Against the Cheyennes he claimed, first, that they had not delivered the Indian who killed a !N^ew Mexican, at Fort Zarah ; and second, he believed he had ' evidence suf- ficient to fix upon the different bands of that tribe, whose chiefs are known, several outrages committed on the Smoky Hill last summer.' He requested the agent to tell them he ' came prepared for peace or war,' and that hereafter he would ' insist upon their keeping oft' the main lines of travel, where their presence is calculated to bring about collisions with the whites.' This, it will be remembered, was their hunting ground, secured by the treaty. On the same day he forwarded a similar communication to J. H. Leavenworth, agent for the Kiowas and Comanches. The complaints he alleged against them are precisely the same contained in the affidavit and statements of Jones and the letter to Captain As- bery. The expedition left Fort Leavenworth on the 13th of April, and proceeded to and up the Pawnee fork of the Ar- kansas, in the direction of the village of one thousand or fifteen hundred Cheyenne and Sioux. When he came near their camp the chiefs visited him, as they had already done at 170 OUR INDIAN WARDS. 4l [r Earned, and requested him not to approach the camp with his troops, for the women and children, having the remem- brance of Sand Creek, would certainly abandon the village. On the 14th he resumed his march, with cavalry and artil- lery; and, when about ten miles from their village, he was again met by the head men, who stated that they would treat with him there or elsewhere ; but they could not, as requested by him, keep their women and children in camp, if he ap- proached with soldiers. He informed them that he would march up to within a mile of the village, and treat with them that evening. As he advanced, the women and children fled, leaving the village, with all their property. The chiefs and a part of the young men remained. To some of these, visiting the camp of General Hancock, horses were furnished, to bring back the women and children. The liorses were re- turned, with word that the women and children could not be collected. It was then night, and orders were given to sur- round the village and capture the Indians remaining. The order was obeyed, but the chiefs and warrioi's had departed. The only persons found were an old Sioux and an idiot girl of eight or ten years of age. It afterward appeared that the person of this girl had been violated, from which she soon died. The Indians were gone ; and the report spread tha't she had been a captive among them, and they had commitled this outrage before leaving. The Indians say that she was an idiotic Cheyenne girl, forgotten in the confusion of flight ; and, if violated, it was not by them. The next morning General Custer, under orders, started in pursuit of the Indians, with his cavalry, and performed a campaign of great labor, passing over a vast extent of country, but seeing no hostile Indians. When the fleeing Indians reached the Smoky Hill they destroyed a station and killed several men. A courier having brought this intelligence to General Hancock, he at once ordered the Indian village, about three hundred lodges, to- gether with the entire property of the tribe, burned, " The Indian now became an outlaw — not only the Chey- ennes and Sioux, but all the tribes on the plains. The super- intendent of an express company, Cottrell, issued a circular order to the agents and employes of the company, in the fol- OUE INDIAN WARDS, 171 lowing language: 'Tou will hold no communication with Indians whatever. If Indians come within shooting distance, shoot them. Show them no mercy, for they will sIiow-^ijqu none.' This was in the I ndian cou ntrY. He closes by say- ing : ' General Hancock will protect you and our property.' Whether war existed previous to that time seems to have been a matter of doubt even with General Hancock. From that day forward no doubt on the subject was entertained by any body. The Indians were then fully aroused ; and no more determined war has ever been waged by them. The evidence tends to show that we lost many soldiers, besides a large number of settlers on the frontier. The most valuable trains, belonging to individuals as well as the government, among which was a government train of ammunition, were captured by these wild horsemen. Stations were destroyed. Hun- dreds of horses and mules wer6 taken, while we are forced to believe that their entire loss, since the burning of their vil- lage, consists of only dxjaenJeUled. " The Kiowas and Comanches deny the statements of Jones in every particular. They say that no war party came in at the time stated, or at iany other time. They deny that they killed any negro soldiers, and positively assert that no Indian was ever known to scalp a negro. In the latter statement they are corroborated by all the tribes and by persons who know their habits ; and the records of the adjutant-general's office fail to show the loss of the seventeen negro soldiers, or any soldiers at all. They deny having robbed Jones or in- sulted Tappan. The testimony of the latter was taken, in which he brands the whole statement of Jones as false, and^ declares that he and Page so informed Major Douglas, within a few days after Jones made his affidavit. We took the tes- timony of Major Douglas, in which he admits the correctness of Tappan's statement, but for some reason unexplained, he failed to communicate the correction to General Hancock. The threats to take the posts on the Arkansas were made in a vein of jocular bravado, and not understood by any one present at the time to possess the least importance. . . . This completes the case against the Kiowas and Comanches, 172 OUR INDIAN -WARDS. who are exculpated, by the united testimony of all the tribes, from any share in the late troubles. " The Cheyennes admit that one of their young men, in a private quarrel, both parties being drunk, did kill a New Mexican, at Fort Zarah. Such occurrences are so frequent among the whites on the plains, that ignorant Indians might he pardoned for participating, if it be done merely to evidence their advance in civilization. The Indians claim that tlie Mexican was in fault, and further protest that no demandji was ever made for the delivery of the Indian. 1 " The Arapahoes admit that a party of their young men, with three young warriors of the Cheyennes, returning from an excursion against the (Jtes, attacked the train of Mr. Wed- dell, of New Mexico, daring fjhe month of March, and they W'ere gathering np the stock when tlie war commenced." The report from which the foi-egoing is taken — the report of January 7, 1868 — remarks that " though this recital should prove tedious, itwas thought necessary,"to guard the future against the errors of the past. We would not blunt the vigi- lance of military men in the Indian country, but would warn them against the arts of the selfish and unprincipled, who need to be watched as well as the Indians. The origin and progress of this war are repeated in nearly all Indiiau wars. The history of one vrill suffice for many." Let it be remem- bered that Generals Sherman," Harney, Terry, and Auger were members of the commission who uttered these words. The report of this coinmission makes a lame attempt to ex- culpate General Hancock from blame in the premises. It says: "He had just come to the department, and circum- stances were ingeniously woven to deceive him. ... If he erred, he can very well roll a part of the responsibility upon others ; not alone on subordinate commanders, who were themselves deceived by others, but on those who were able to guard against the error and yet failed to do so. . . . His distinguished services in another field of patriotic duty, had left him but little time to become acquainted with the remote or immediate causes producing these troubles." It is very kind in the commission, of whom several are military col- leagues of General Hancock, to offer an apology for his con- OUR INDIAN WARDS. 173 duct ; but to thinking people, with the facts before them, no valid excuse can be given. The truth is, the " selfish and unprincipled " who manipulated the operations which opened the way for General Hancock's movement against the In- dians, found him quite ready to c o-opera te_j!dth-them. He was extolled in the press of Kansa^_as_he_mQyed acxass the state ; and the huzzas and acclaim of Ih at portion of the popu- lation, and it was quite large, that believed the only good In- dian was the dead one, .met^him_on^^very side. ^ Without at- tempting to verify any of the stories on which he professed to base his movements, and all of which were false, or to scan the motives of those who sought to precipitate a war upon the Indians, he assumed that they needed discipline and dis- cipline they must have ; and in all cases, discipline with the m.ilitary arm means punishment, and punishment means death. It was not his or General Custer's fault that only six Indians were killed in the campaign. Had it been within their power the whole village would have been put to the sword. Military commanders of divisions, as well as post commanders, seem to have adopted as a maxim that the first duty they have to perform after assuming command is to punish the Indians, and their ears are ever open to hear com- plaints, in order that a foundation may be laid for fitting out expeditions against the Indians ; and the civil oflacer who un- dertakes to correct the misrepresentations that are pressed upon the military commander will be lucky indeed if he do not incur the displeasure of the man of war. There £tre ex- ceptions in the conduct of some military officers to what is here stated, but that fact only proves the general rule. When the chiefs visited General Hancock, at Fort Larned, in April, and begged him to desist and forego his expedition until they / could confer with him, he would have given some evidence/ that he desired to do right if he had granted their request,/ and given them a hearing. He had the stories against the/ Indians, and it was but just that he should hear them, but hp declined to do so. The report of January 7, 1868, shows most conclusively that the stories furnished him were abso- lutely false, and this he could have known by investigation, if he had desired to be informed. But he did not desire any 174 OUR INDIAN WAEDS. further information than such as Major Douglas furnished him in February. This and the applause and compliments of the people of Kansas, among whom were many of the "selfish and unprincipled" who manipulated these things, were sufficient. OUE INDIAN WARDS. 175 CHAPTER X. MiLITAKT OPERATIONS AGAINST THE INDIANS IN NeW MbXICO AND AkIZONA TS 1862, 1863, 1864, and 1869. — Deliberate attempt to exterminate them. — Massacre of Apaches in 1871 at Camp Grant, etc. Many army officers claim with unlimited assurance that the military branch of the government is the proper one to have ■charge of Indian civilization. This claim has no foundation on which to rest. As a rule (to which it is admitted there are ' exceptions), army officers, when charged with duties in the Indian service, are not only unjust, but absolutely cruel. In order that the reader may have an insight into the humane manner in which our Indian population is treated by the military when acting without restraint, a brief recital will be found in this chapter of operations in New Mexico and the adjacent country, in 1862, 1863, 1864, and 1869. In the Territory of l^ew Mexico tillable land is nowhere to be found in large bodies. Indeed, there is but little such land. The Indian population resident in the territory at the time it was acquired by the United States, was composed of the Pueblo, Navajoe, Comanche, and Apache tribes. Frag- ments of Utes and other bands, occasionally made incursions into it. The Pueblos had small reservations, and resided in villages. They had churches and schools. Their form of government was democratic. They selected their officers, made their laws, and by diligence supported themselves. It was said that at this time they were remarkably free from vices, and guiltless of any grave crimes. The JSTavajoes, in some respects, resembled the Pueblos in their customs, but relied chiefly for support on their flocks of sheep, and the manufacture of their wool into blankets, in which they had quite a commerce. In 1846, the first expedition after the ac- quisition of New Mexico was made by Colonel Doniphan into the Navajoe country. He was surprised at the quantity and quality of the blankets manufactured by them. The Apaches 176 OUR INDIAN WARDS. were a more nervous race, and obtained their subsistence chiefly by the chase, and the mascel which they laid up for winter use. When the barrenness of the country and the jirofusion of game at the time is considered, it is probable the ■\vliite man, had his lot been cast in some parts of the toi-ri- tory, and his attention had not been called to the mineral de- posits, would have followed the exampile of the Apache. The fact that there was supposed to be hidden beneath the un- friendly and barren land, "gold and silver, and precious stones," excited the cupidity of the Mexicans long before the territory became the property of the United States; but not to the same extent that our people were moved after the ac- quisition. The Indians and Mexicans had, however, their troubles and conflicts. The Indians, for injuries inflicted on them and loss of property, retaliated, and frequently stole cattle and sheep from the Mexicans, who in turn would pur- sue them, not only to reclaim the property, but to rob and murder the Indians. They would also seize the Indian women and children, whom they carried oflf and sold into- slavery. In 1848-9, our military commander in New Mexico acted on the theory that the only way to have peace with the In- dians was to exterminate them. They did not acquiesce in- his view, but resisted. Under better counsels our Indian diffi- culties, in a few years thereafter, were so far composed that comparative tranquillity prevailed, and with just treatment it was discovered that the Pueblo and ISTavajoe Indians were, to- borrow the words of Governor Greiner, about as easily con- trolled " as a woman's school." The Comanches and Apaches were not so well disposed, especially under the treatment they had received. In 1854 and 1855, there was an occasional foray, with such results as usually follow. As the influx of prospectors and miners increased, difficulties between them and the Indians followed. The "Americans" were aggres- sive, and the Indians, when wronged, retaliated. Several mil- itary expeditions were sent into the country, not to protect the Indians from the aggression of the whites, but to punish them because they did not submit to wrong and injustice. Finally, the civil war broke out, and rebel troops from Texas- OUE INDIAN WARDS. 177 invaded the territory. General Carleton assumed command in the department of 'Hevr Mexico, in 1862. He at once com- menced to discipline the Indians residing therein. A few ex- tracts from his dispatches will give the reader an idea of the manner in which he performed his work. On the 11th of October, 1862, in a confidential letter addressed by him to Colonel J. E. West, commander of the district of Mesilla, he said: "Yon will order the following troops into the Mesca- laro country to co-operate with Colonel Carson, yet to be in- dependent of him. Captain McClave you will place in com- mand of one expedition, to be composed of his own and one company of your regiment. He will start with this force, increased with twenty good Mexican spies and guides, which you are authorized to employ at reasonable rates, on the 15th of next month, and be absent until the 31st of December. . . You will order Captain Roberts to command another expedition against the Indians. . . There is to be no coun- cil held with the Indians, nor any talks. The men are to be slain whenever and wherever found. . . If the movements are kept from being made public, so the Indians through the Mexicans may not know of your plans until the troops take the field, it will be better so. . . Both McClave and Rob- erts will be instructed to keep a journal of every day's march and work; of the estimated courses and distances traveled; of the kind of country passed over; of the watercourses, springs, grass, etc., which they find. The journal will be forwarded to department headquarters as soon as the cam- paign is over, and copies of them to Washington." On the 12th of October, 1862, this humane oflicer instructed Colonel Carson. The gist of the instructions read thus : " You will make war upon the Mescalaro^- and all other Indians you may find in the Mescalaro country, until further orders. All \Indian men are to be killed, whenever and wherever you can find 'them. ... If the Indians send a flag of truce, and desire to sue for peace, say to them that you have no. power to make peace ; that you arc there to kill them wherever you can find them." On the 26th of November, 1862, having- heard that a man 12 178 OUR INDIAN WAEDS. by the name of Beach was, with others, engaged in the phin- der of a band of Mescalaro Indians, and had, as the avails thereof, a horse and mule, General Carleton directed that he restore the property, not to the Indians, but to Colonel Car- son, and that Beach be forbidden to settle in the country; and on December 9, 1862, having heard that some parties in Toas had taken an Indian, whom they found there, and after dosing him with whisky, saturated his clothes with spirits of turpen- tine, and then set fire to them, from the effects of which the Indian died, General Carleton immediately wrote to the judge of the district, calling his attention to the matter, and said: " As one of the United States officials in N'ew Mexico, and as one whose particular calling is to see justice done, I trust I have but to call your attention to this alleged crime, to awaken your zeal in the cause of justice and humanity. In many years' experience, connected with Indians, I think it never has been my lot to have heard of snch horrible barbarity of the white men toward the Indians." In view of the instructions of General Carleton to his military commanders, his letter to the judge, and his banishment of Beach, present him as an extraordinary compound ; but he was a military officer, and hence above reproach, and beyond criticism. It is clear that in New Mexico he intended to retain a monopoly of his civ- ilizing process in the hands of the military officers then on duty there. On January 2, 1863, General Carleton wrote to General Lorenzo Thomas, adjutant-general, at Washington, and said that, when he had "punished" the Indians that infest the head-waters of the Gila, " the Pino Alta gold mines can then be worked with success." February 1, 1863, he wrote General Thomas again, and stated that " the evidences of rich gold fields and veins of sil- ver, and of inexhaustible mines of the richest copper in the country, at the head of the Mimbres river, and along the country drained by the upper Gila, are of an undoubted character. It seems providential that the practical miners of California should have come here to assist in their discovery and development." He added : " I have sent four companies of California volunteers to garrison Fort West, in the Pino OUR INDIAN WAEDS. 179 Altagold region. I beg to ask authority to let, say, one-fourth •of the command at a time, have one month's furlough, to work in the gold mines, on their own account. In this way, the mines and the country will become developed, while the troops will become contented to remain in service, where the tempt- ation to leave is so great." March 16, 1863, General Carleton wrote General J. R. West, commander at Mesilla, thus : " There must be no peace or conference with any of the Indians living on any of the trib- utaries of the Mimbres, or the head-waters of the Gila, down so far as Fort Stanton, until they are completely subdued, and not then, until the subject has been duly considered and de- cided upon at these headqaarters. . . . The campaign sweeping the Florida mountains, about which I have twice written you, should be borne in mind. Information should be gathered concerning that region ; the best guides employed' and the work done at the earliest practicable moment. This is a settled purpose, and will, I am sure, meet with a prompt and hearty co-operation on your part. Driven from the Gila, the Apache will naturally seek an asylum in these mountains. There the maguey grows, which is their principal food, and in the month of May they will begin to prepare it." On the 10th of April, 1863, General Carleton instructed the commanding officer at Fort Stanton, that he " be sure to have slain every Mescalaro who may he met with at large in the vicinity of his post." On the 10th day of May, 1863, General Carleton wrote to General Halleck, general-in-chief, at "Washington, and said : " Among all my endeavors since my arrival here, there has - been an effort to brush back the Indians, as you have seen from official correspondence, so that the people could come out of the valley of the Eio Grande, and not only possess themselves of the arable lands in other parts of the territory, but, if the country contained veins and deposits of the precious -metals, that they might be found. So I re-established Fort Stan- ton, and at least a hundred families have gone to the vicinity to open farms, and they are commencing to find gold. I estab- lished Fort "West, and have driven the Indians away from the head of the Gila, and they are finding gold and silver, and cm- 180 OUR INDIAN WARDS. nabar there. There is no doubt in niy mind, that one of the- richest gold countries in the world is along the affluents of the- Gila, which enter it from the north, along its whole course. . . . You will also see, from the inclosed notes, what signs of mineral wealth are already discovered. ... If I had one more good regiment of California infantry, comprised as that in- fantry is of practical miners, I would place it in the Gila country. While it would exterminate the Indians, who are a scourge to !N"ew Mexico, it would protect people who might wish to go there to open up the country, and would virtually be a military colony when the war ended, whose interest would lead the officers to remain in the New Eldorado. Pray give all this a thought. It is not a chimera, but a subject that is worthy of the government now. California, you remember, was not considered as valuable an acquisition until its gold startled the world. Do not despise New Mexico, as a draio upon the general government. The money will all come back again." During the fall of 1862 and the year 1863, Gen. Carletou issued many orders to the different subordinate command- ers in his department, the burden of which was to destroy, to kill, to exterminate the Indians wherever found. It is not neces- sary to reproduce them, since those already given show un- mistakably that the object and design was to exterminate THE NATIVE INHABITANTS IN New Mexico. A fcw additional extracts must suffice, and these will fully demonstrate how earnestly General Carleton impressed his views on his subor- dinates. The following is an indorsement on a letter referred by Gen. Carleton to Col. West, then operating in Arizona. It is dated July 5, 1863, and reads thus : "• This letter is re- spectfully referred to the commander at Fort Craig, who will send company K, 1st infantry California volunteers, to the points mentioned by Major McClave, and this company will be instructed to proceed loith great caution, without noise of trumpets or drums, or loud talking, or the firing of guns, except in battle, to march silently, mostly by night ; to build fires of dry twigs, that no smoke may arise from them; to have no fires by night; to kill every Indian man they can find; to be gone thirty days; to have pack-mule transportation where wagons OUR INDIAN WARDS. 181 can not go ; to remember that California troops always find and whip the Indians; to excel, in this respect, all other California troops." On the 16th of August, 1863, Gen. Oarleton wrote to Col. Riggs at Fort Craig, thus : " The troops must be kept after the Indians not in big bodies, with military noises and smokes, and the gleam of arms by day, and fires, and talk, and comforta- ble sleeps by night; but in small parties, moving stealthily to their haunts and laying patiently in wait for them; or by foUo.wing their tracks day after day, with a fixedness of purpose that never gives up. . . . Sotne flour, bacon, a little sugar and coffee, thrown on a pack-mule, with the men carrying, say, two or thi-ee days' rations in their haversacks, and it will surprise the country what a few resolute men can do. If a hunter goes after deer, he tries all sorts of wiles to get within gunshot. An Indian is a more watchful and a more wary animal than a deer. He must be hunted with skill; he can not be blundered upon; nor will he allow his pursuer to come upon him when he knows it, unless he is stronger." It would be difficult to find language sufficiently strong in which to condemn the inhuman and barbarous treatment which the Indians, in New Mexico, received from the troops in Gen. Carleton's department, and in accordance with his. ex- press orders. It is sad, it is humiliating, to know that hisj operations and the scope and intent of them, were known to] the authorities at Washington. He not only corresponded with the adjutant-general and the geueral-in-chief of the army, but with the secretary of the treasury and the post- master-geueral freely, -m &yM'>-y^^'^La /r- On the 20th of September, 1863; in a long letter to Secre- tary Chase, he said : "If I can but have troops to whip away the Apaches, so that prospecting parties can explore the country, and not be in fear all the time of being murdered, you will, without the shadow of a doubt, find that our country has mines of the precious metals, unsurpassed in richness, number, and extent by any in the world. Rich copper, in quantity enough to supply the world, is found at the head of the Gila. Some of this copper abounds in gold. Some is pure enough for commerce with very little refining. The gold 182 OUE INDIAN WAEDS. is pure. I send you herewith a specimen of copper from near Fort West,, on the Gila, and two specimens of pure gold, from the Antelope mountains. . . . If it be not improper, please give the largest piece of the gold to Mr. Lincoln. It will gratify him to know that Providence is blessing our country, even though it chasteneth." On the 13th of September, 1863, Gen. Carleton wrote Mr. Blair, the postmaster-general, and said: "There is no doubt but the reports of these immense deposits of gold are true,. As a statesman, you will readily imagine all of the political results which must at once ensue from such startling deveU opments when they obtain publicity. This should not be given them until we have reports from Surveyor-General Clark and a party I sent with him to see pi'ecisely into the matter. We know, from various other sources, what that re- port must be, at least sufficiently to make timely preparations for emergencies which will then at once arise. For myself, there comes no little satisfaction in the thought that, for all the toil through the desert, of the troops composing, the col- umn from California, there will yet result a substantial bene- fit to the country ; that .if these brave fellows, who encountered this hardship so cheerfully and patiently, who endured and suffered so much, have not had the good fortune to strike good, hard, honest blows for the old flag, they have at least been iustruminlarni helpTngto^nd gold to pay the gallant men who have had the honor. Somebody had to perform their part in the grand drama upon which the curtain is about to -fall. The men from California accepted, unraurmuringly, the role that gave them an obscure and distant part upon the stage, where it was known they could not be seen, and be- lieved they would hardly be heard from ; but in the great tragedy so cruelly forced upon us, they tried to- perform iheir duty, however insignificant it might be, and to the best of their ability ; and now a finger of that Providence who has watched over us in our tribulation, and who blesses us, lifts a veil, and there, for the whole country, lies a great reward." Thefreedom with which General Carleton corresponded with the sneretary of the treasury and the postmaster-general, indi- - cates an intimacy that is not to be admired. It is to be hoped / OUIi INDIAN WAEDS. 183 they did not fully understand the character of his operations against the Indians in the department of New Mexico. There can be no doubt, however, that the war department had full knowledge in the premises, since he frequently and fully cor- responded with Generals Halleck and Tliomas, and had ex- press authority from them to commence war against the 'Ssl- vajoe and other Indian tribes. Indeed, his field of operations was extended in 1864, and he operated that year against the Indians in portions of Arizona and,J3olorado. Our country can not, therefore, escape the dishonor and disgrace of such cruel wrong as was perpetrated against the Indians while General Carleton was in command of the department of ]S"ew Mexico. By the treaty of peace with Mexico, the Territory of New Mexico became a part of our possessions, and the United States voluntarily assumed the obligation of taking such care of the native inhabitants as became a government founded on prin- ciples of justice and humanity. In 1850, the United States made a treaty with the Navajoe Indians, not for the ces- sion of their right to territory, but simply of peace and friendship. In the treaty the Indians acknowledge that by virtue of our treaty with Mexico, they were lawluUy placed under the exclusive jurisdiction of the United States ; mutual covenants for peace and friendship followed ; also for regu- lating trade, and the delivery of persons for committing of- fenses or crimes against either party, and for the reclama- tion of captives, and the right of citizens of the United States for transit and travel through the ISTavajoe country. It was also stipulated that the United States should at its earliest convenience " designate, settle, and adjust the territorial boundaries, and pass and execute in their territory such laws as may be deemed conducive to the prosperity and happiness of the Indians." The concluding paragraph of the treaty is in these words : " This treaty is to receive a liberal construc- tion at all times and in all places, to the end that the said Navajoe Indians shall not be held responsible for the conduct of others, and that the government of the United States shall so legislate and act as to secure the permanent prosperity of the Indians." 184 OUE INDIAN WAKDS. In 1853, a treaty was made with the Comanche, Kiowa, and Apache Indians. It was not for a cession of their land, but simply for the right of our people of transit and travel through their country. The material stipulations were sub- stantially the same as those in the Navajoe treaty. The seventh article is in these words : " The United States do more- over bind themselves, in consideration of the covenants con- tained in the preceding articles of this treaty, to protect and defend the Indian tribes, parties hereto, against the commit- tal of any depredations upon them, and in their territories, and to compensate them for any injury that may result there- from." Such were the existing relations between the govern- ment and the Indians, during the time that General Carleton was operating against them, not for offenses committed by them, but for the avowed purpose of driving them out of their own country or exterminating them within it, to the end that mining companies might safely operate in regions where every one that entered therein to dwell was a tres- passer, whom, instead of protecting with its troops, the gov- ernment was in good faith bound to expel. It would seem incredible that any man could be found wearing the uniform ■of our army, so lost to every principle of justice, so devoid of every sentiment of humanity, as to qualify him for deeds of such enormity as those committed by General Carleton. The reader will remember that in one of his dispatches. General Carleton commends California troops, and designates them as those " who always find and whip the Indians." This state- ment will serve to remind such that when given an insight into the operations in New Mexico in 1862-3-4, we have sub- stantially the manner in which troops had been operated against the Indians, not only in California, but in all our ter- ritories. Is it not time that such inhuman and barbarous conduct ceased ? There is another phase to military operations in the Indidu country. While striving to destroy the natives, mihtary offi- cers seem to have time to correspond with a class of people between whom and such officers there appears to be the most intimate relations. A few extracts from the correspondence of General Carleton will explain this phase. On the 22d of OUK INDIAN WAEDS. 185 April, 1863, he wrote to Samuel F. Jones, Kansas City, as fol- lows : " Your letter of March 18, 1863, in relation to gentle- men who have made iuquiries of you, whether Fort West is "to be permanently garrisoned, as in this event those gentle- men are desirous of investing in, and working the mines of precious metals near the head of the Gila, I hava had the honor to receive, and I beg to reply, that unless I am com- pelled by the Confederate forces to abandon the rich country ^bout Pinos Altas and on the Eio Preita, it will be held per- manently. Our troops have already killed Magnus Colorado, his son, his brother, and some sixty of his braves, and I am still prosecuting hostilities against the Gila Apaches, and propose to continue doing so, until people can live in that •country, and explore and work the veins of precious metals, which we know abound there, with perfect safety. The country along the Eio Preita, and further down the Gila, gives promise of wonderful richness in gold and silver. I have two companies out now surveying a road from Fort €raig to Fort West." On the 22d of June, 1863, he wrote to Captain Joseph Walker, of the Walker mines, whom he had, under the promise of military protection, invited into the country, and said : " I am just commencing operations against the Nava- joes. I inclose an order which organizes the expedition. You see the new fort will be at Pueblo, Colorado, about twenty-eight miles south of Fort Defiance, and this will be the nearest point for your people to get supplies in case of accident. The sutler there will doubtless have a large stock of goods, and I will tell him about keeping on hand such articles of prime necessity as you might require. I send you a map of the country, so that you may know about where Fort Canby will be situated. I send you another similar map on which you can trace your new gold fields. If I can be of any service tO yourself or party it will afford me pleas- ure to help you. . . . Yourself and your party deserve success for your industry and perseverance. Hoping that each of you will receive abundant reward for your past toil, hardships, and danger, I am," etc. It is to be observed that General Carleton is writing to men. 186 OUR IXDIAN WARDS. and inviting and encouraging them to enter and work the mines, in a country in which all who entered were trespass- ers. "Without further comment the operations and conduct of this officer are left to the contemplation of the reader, with such judgment as may be deemed proper and the case demands. Military operations in Arizona in 1869 will now have a^ brief notice. General Ord was at this time commander of the department in which that territory was situate. In his annual report of September 27, 1869, General Ord said, that within Arizona Territory he had fourteen military posts "with an average garrison of one hundred and fifty men each, or two thousand one hundred men. There are (said he) in the territory three thousand three hundred horses and mules, and to maintain these troops and animals it costs the government, not including fuel, quarters, medical attendance, arms and accouterments, ammunition, clothing, pay of troops and em- ployes, or stables, at least four thousand dollars per day; add other items, all the more exjiensive, wiiere, as in southern Arizona, a foot of lumber costs twenty-five cents, and the cost to the government for the troops in Arizona is not far from tliree millions of dollars per annum. Almost the only pay- ing business the white inhabitants have in the territory is supplying the troops, there being as yet but few mines in the country worked to profit; and I am informed from every quarter, that if the quartermasters and paymasters of the army were to stop payment in Arizona, a great majority of^ the white settlers would be compelled to quit. Hostilities are, therefore, kept up with a view to supporting inhabitants,- most of whom are supported by the hostilities. Of course their support being derived from the presence of troops, they are continually asking for more. There was in Arizona,- January 1, 1860, according to the army register, not a single army post or soldier, and there was then more travel across ■ the southern portion of the territory than now, more need of troops there, and more Indians. It therefore becomes a ques- tion if this large expenditure can not be reduced by reducing the number of troops in the country to the minimum con- ' fiistent with the interests of the whole country." It would OUR INDIAN WARDS. 187 appear from the foregoing that General Ord was not favor- ably impressed with the duties of his position as military commander of the district, and hence suggested a reduction and concentration of the troops. Of his operations, he says in his report: "I have encouraged the troops to capture and root ont the Apaches by every means in my power, and to hunt them as they would wild animals. This they have done with unrelenting vigor. Since my last report over two hun- dred have been killed, generally by parties who have trailed them, for clays and wetlcs, into the mountain recesses, over snows, among gorges and fteci-pices; Inying in wait for them by day a.nd following them by night. Many villages have been burned, large quantities of supplies, and arms and ammunition, cloth- ing, and provisions have been destroyed, a large number of horses and mules have been captured, and two men, twenty- eight women, and thirty-four children taken prisoners. . . . Many of the border men, especially those who have been hunted, or lost friends or relations by them, regard all In- diana as vermin, to be killed ic/ierever m.et. . . . The Apaches have but few friends, and, I believe, no agent. Even the offi- cers, when applied to by them for information, can not tell them what to do. There seems to be no settled policy, but a general idea to kill them wherever found. I am a believer in that, if we go for extermination." General Oi'd occupies a high position, as well as rank, in the army. He clearly in- dicates his distaste for the mode in which the troops are used against the Indians ; and yet " if we go for extermina- tion," he is ready to proceed to kill off the natives. Accord- ing to his report, the work of the year was to explore exten- sive districts of country, of which white men had little or no .knowledge, and which were supposed to be retreats of "hos- tile " Indians, with a view to their subj ugation. lie expressed the opinion that there were not, at that time, more tiian one thousand fighting men of the Apaches left. He has, in his report, this remarkable paragraph : " Colonel John Green, First United States Cavalry, in a recent scout in the White Mountains, a country of which we knew but little, after destroying some villages, killing a number of warriors, and destroying a large quantity of corn, etc., having heard of a 188 OUR INDIAN WAEDS. village thirty miles north, where the Indiaus were reported friendly aud anxious to appease the troops, sent Captain John Berry, First United States Cavalry, to examine the matter, and if he found them concerned in hostilities, to destroy them." Green thus describes the result : " On the night of April 1st, Captain Berry returned with his command, and reported that when he reached Miguel's village, there was a white flag flying from every hut and every prominent point; that the men, women, and children came out to meet them, and went to work at once to cut corn for their horses, and showed such a spirit of delight at meeting them, that the oflacers united in saying that if they had fired on them they would have been guilty of cold-blooded murder. Even my chief scout, Manuel, who has no scruples in such matters, and whose mind was filled with taking scalps when he left camp, said he could not have fired on them after what he saw." Miguel expressed a strong desire to go on a reservation, where he could be pro- tected ; but Captain Berry knew not where to send him, and probably the chief could not have found a more secluded spot than the recess in the "White Mountains where he then dwelt, in a country 'of which the white man knew but little; and yet, but for the exhibition of his white flags, it is probable that his village would have been destroyed. Many villages that were destroyed by our troops, in the hunt after the In- dians, as though they were wild beasts, were as well disposed as the inmates of Miguel's village, and had opportunity been given the inhabitants, would have shown evidence of their" pacific disposition equally as satisfactory as that shown by Miguel's Indians. A reference to the manner in which a friendly band of Apache Indians were massacred at Camp Grant in Arizona, in 1871, by citizens of Tucson, aided by Mexicans, will close this chapter. In February, 1871, a young Apache chief, ac- companied by some twenty-five of his band, came to Camp Grant and stated that they desired peace; that he and his people had no home, and could make none, since wherever they were located they had constant fear of the approach of troops. He was advised by a young lieutenant, 11. E. Whit-' man, then in command, to go to the White MountamsTaSd OUR INDIAN WARDS. ' IS^" locate there. The chief replied that those mountains were not the country of his people ; that he had never dwelt with the Indians infesting the mountains; that he was an Aravapa- Apache, and wanted to dwell in the home of his fathers, where he could raise corn and mescal, which was a principal article of food. Lieutenant Whitman told this chief that while he could make no permanent arrangement with him,- that he could bring in his band and he would aid them, and report their wishes t© the department commander. The chief left, and about the first of March returned with his whole band. In the meantime, runners from two other small bands had been in, asking the same privilege, and giving the same reasons. These were also pernntted to come in with their bands, so that early in March, about three hundred Indians were at Camp Grant. The kindness of the lieutenant, so un- usual among military officers, no doubt attracted the Indians to that point. He made a detailed report of the whole mat- ter, and sent the same by express to the department com- mander, for instructions to guide him. After awaiting more than six weeks, his communication was returned to him with- out any other reply than to call his attention to the fact that his report was not properly briefed ! The Indians were camped about one-half mile from the military post, and were supplied by Lieutenant Whitman with limited rations. The number increased until over five hun-__ dred Indians were in the camp. They were very poor, and nearly naked. They were encouraged by the lieutenant to- cut and bring in hay for his post, and in about two months they had brought in about two hundred thousand pounds, carrying it all on their backs. Men, women and children en- gaged in this work. They also gathered mescal for food. Additional bands, with whom these were intermarried, were preparing to come in. The Indians asked and obtained leave to move their camp further up the Aravapa to higher ground, and where water was plenty. In the meantime. Captain Stan- wood took command of the post, and upon investigation and being satisfied the Indians were acting in good faith, on the-, 24:th of April he left with the greater part of his troops to make a scout in the lower part of the territory. The ranch- 190 OUK INDIAN" WARDS. men iu the neighborhood were satisfied with the residence and location of these Indians, and had promised Lieutenant "Whitman to employ and give them labor when the season <;ame to gather barley. Lieutenant Whitman became much interested in the Indians, and said officially : " I had come to feel respect for men who, ignorant and naked, were still ashamed to lie or steal, and for women who would cheerfully woi'k like slaves to clothe themselves and children, but, un- taught, held their virtue above price. . . I had ceased to have any fears of their leaving, and only dreaded for them, that they might at any time be ordered to do so. They fre- quently expressed anxiety to hear from the general, that they might have confidence to build for themselves better houses, but would always say, 'You know what we want, and if you can not see him, you can write.' On the morning of April 30th, I was at breakfast at 7:30 o'clock, when a dispatch was brought to me by a sergeant of company P, Twenty-first In- fantry, from Captain Penn, commanding Camp Lowell, in-, forming me that a large party had lejt^Tucson, on the 28th, with the avowed purpose of killing all the Indians at this post. I immediately sent two interpreters, mounted, to the . Indian camp, with orders to tell the chiefs the exact state of things, and for them to bring the entire party inside the fort. As I had no cavalry, and but fifty infantry (all recruits), and no other officer, I could not leave the fort to go to their de- fense. My messengers returned in about an hour, with intel-, ligence that they could find no living Indians. The camp was burning, and the ground strewed with their dead and muti-- lated women and children. I immediately mounted a party ' of about twenty soldiers and citizens, and went with them • and the post surgeon, with a wagon to bring in the wounded, if any could be found. The party returned in the afternoon, . having found no wounded, and without being able to com- . municate with any of the survivors. Early the next morn- ing I took a small party with spades and shovels, and went out and buried all the dead in and about the camp. I thought the act of caring for their dead would be an evidence to them ' of our sympathy, at least, and the conjecture proved correct, for while at the work many of them came to the spot, nnd iu- OUE INDIAN WARDS. 191 dnlged in their expressions of grief, too wild and terrible to be described. That evening they began to come in from all directions, singly and in small parties, so changed in forty- eight hours as to be hardly recognizable, during which time they had neither eaten nor slept. Many of the men whose families had been killed, when I spoke to them and expressed sympathy for them, were obliged to turn away, unable to speak, and too proud to show their grief. The women whose children had been killed or stolen, were convulsed with grief, and looked to me appealingly, as though I was their last hope on earth. Children who, two days before, had been full of fun and frolic, kept at a distance, expressing wondering hor- ror. . . Their camp was surrounded and attacked at day- break. So sudden and unexpected was it, that no one was awake to give the alarm, and I found quite a number of women, who were shot while asleep beside their bundles of hay, which they had collected to bring in on that morning. The women who were unable to get away, had their brains beaten out with clubs or stones. . . The bodies were all stripped. . . I have spent a good deal of time with them since lEhe affair, and have been astonished at their continued unshaken faith in me, and of their perfectly clear under- standing of their misfortune. . . What they do not un- derstand is, that while they are at peaee,^nd conscious of no wrong intent, that they should be mhrdered. . . One of the chiefs said: 'I no longer want to live; my women and children have been killed before" my face, and I have been un- able to defend them. Most Indians in my place would take a knife and cut his throat, buf I will live to show these peo- ple that all they have done, and all they can do, shall not make me break faith with you, so long as you will stand by us and defend us, in a language we know nothing of, to a great governor we never have, nor never shall see.' About their captives, they say: 'Get them back for us; our little boys will grow up slaves, and our girls, as soOn as they are large enough, will be diseased prostitutes to get money for whoever owns them. Our women work hard and are good women, and they and our children have no diseases. Our dead you can not bring to life, but those that are living we 192 OUR INDIAN WARDS. give to you, who can write and talk, and have soldiers to get them back.' I will assure you, it is no little task to convince them of my zeal, when they see so little being done." o^'"- " It was not long after this massacre before Lieutenant Whit- man was I'elieved from dntj'^ at Camp Grant. In April, 1872, General Howard visited the scene. The Indians showed him the remains of their dead, which had become exposed. There he found the camp utensils, and clothing and blankets strewn around, and the bundles of hay that the women had brought in the night preceding the slaughter. The Indians spoke of Lieutenant "Whitman — the attachment they had for him — and asked that he might be restored to the post, to remain with them. But his denunciation of the barbarous, the murderous act, and those engaged in it, had produced much feeling against him, and there was no cordiality between him and the commanding general, in view of which General Howard thought it was better the petition of the Indians be not granted. This affair at Camp Grant is not an isolated case. Expedi- tions of the same kind have been often fitted out and set on foot, with results as merciless and bai'barous, and men who claim to give tone to the actions of the communities in which they reside, have openly participated in them. Even the gov- ernors of territories have organized bodies of men to go out and hunt down the natives, with authority to kill them wherever found; to destroy their villages, take possession of their property as booty, and to receive a premium for all In- dian scalps taken. Territorial legislatures have placed upon their journals resolutions organizing bands of men to be em- ployed in "Indian hunting," with rewards for all scalps taken. The legislature of Idaho fixed the price of scalps at one hun- dred dollars for the scalp of the "buck," fifty dollars for that of the sqnaw, and twenty-five dollars for the scalp of every thing in the shape of an Indian under ten years of age, pro- vided that each person shall make oath that the scalps were taken by the " Indian hunting " company ; thus reducing the hunting down and killing human beings to a level with the destruction of dangerous wild animals ! The removal of Lieutenant Whitman from the post at Camp OUE INDIAN WARDS. 193 Grant has much in it to attract the attention of considerate persons. Here was a military officer who had, by his conduct, secured the confidence of the Indians who survived the mas- sacre ; they were attached to him, and so informed General Howard, and desired his return ; but his superiors had relieved him, and why ? Simply because he had expressed his opinion, without reserve, touching the conduct of the murderous mob that came from Tucson. Instead of commending the lieutenant for his noble conduct, and defending and sustaining him, the military commander of the district transferred him to another post. The massacre was approved by men of prominence and influence in the territory, and these and the military commander were on such terms that the lieutenant must needs be relieved. General Howard, who felt keenly the enormity of the crime against the Indians, was so embarrassed by the influence of the mob, that he could not recommend that the petition of the Indians have favorable consideration. 13 194 OXJR INDIAX WAEDS. CHAPTER XL A Board op Peace Commissioners created bt Cokgkess. — Treaties made WITH THE KlOWA, CoMANCHE, ChETENNE, AND ArAPAHOE, SiOUX, AKD OTHER Indians. — "Five hundred thousand dollars appropriated to carry THEIR PROVISIONS INTO EFFECT. — ThIS DUTY CONFIDED TO Ge_NERAL SheR- MAN. — Transfer of General Sheridan to the Department of the Mis- souri. — He CONDEMNS what THE PeACE COMMISSION HAD DONE. — HoLDS THAT THE IxDIANS SHOULD HAVE BEEN PUNISHED. — GENERAL SheHMAN CO- , INCIDBS IN THIS OPINION. — AcTION OF THE COMMISSION AT CHICAGO. — CAM- PAIGN AGAINST " THE HOSTILE INDIANS SOUTH OF THE ARKANSAS," ETC. Owing to the complications then existing, Congress, on the 20th of July, 1867, created a commission, with a view "to establish peace with certain hostile Indians." This commis-'^ sion was composed of N^. G. Taylor, Commissioner of Indian Affairs ; J. B. Henderson, chairman of the Indian Committee of the United States Senate; J. B. Sanborn and S. F. Tappan, ivilians ; and Generals Sherman, Harney, Terry, and Anger, f the regular army. The commission was authorized "to call together the chiefs and head men of such bands of In- dians as were then waging war, for the purpose of ascertain- ing theii" reasons for hostility, and, if thought advisable, to make treaties with them, having in view the following ob- jects, viz : First. To remove, if possible, the causes of war. Second. To secure, as far as practicable, our frontier settle- ments, and the safe building of our railroads looking to the Pacific. And, Third. To suggest or inaugurate some plan for the civilization of the Indians." Also, to examine and select " a district or districts of country, having sufficient area to receive all the Indian tribes occupying territory east of the Rocky Mountains," not then peaceably residing on permanent reservations, under treaty stipulations, etc., which district or districts should have sufficient arable or grazing land to enable the tribes placed on them to support them- selves, and that they should be so located as not to interfere with established highways of travel, and the contemplated railroads to the Pacific." OUE INDIAN WARDS. 195 At the time of its appointment, the commission stated, in its report, that " war was being openly waged by several hos- tile tribes, and great diversity of opinion existed among the officials of the government, and no less diversity among our people, as to the means best adapted to meet it. Some thought peaceful negotiations would succeed, while others had no hope of peace until the Indians were thoroughly subdued by force of arms. As a concession to this latter sentiment, so largely prevailing, as well as to meet the possible contingency of failure by the commission, it was, perhaps, wisely provided, that in case peace could not be obtained by treaty, or should the Indians fail to comply with the stipulations they might make for going on their reservations, the president might call out four regiments of mounted troops, for the purpose of con- quering the desired peace." The condition and temper of the Indian tribes east of the Rocky Mountains, at that time, was a natural result growing out of such affairs as Lieutenant Dunn's, at Camp Sanborn ; Major Dowling's, at Cedar Bluffs ; Colonel Chivington's, at Sand Creek ; and General Hancock's, at Pawnee Fork ; as well as other incidents of a like character, of which there were many, together with the constant aggression of the white people upon the reservations and hunting grounds of the In- dians. The dispatch of General Sherman, of the 28th of December, 1866, had much to do in stiniulaimglirwho were inclined to annoy and harass the Indians. It was addressed to General Grant, and was in these words : " Just arrived (at St. Louis) in time to attend the funeral of my adjutant-general, Sawyer. I have given general instructions to General Cooke about the Sioiix. I do not understand how the massacre of Colonel Fetterman's party could have been so complete. We must act with vindictive earnestness against the Sioux, even to their extermination — men, women, and children. IsTothing less will reach the root of this case." All who felt disposed to depredate upon the Indians, even to maiming or killing them, seemed to feel that no matter what excesses they com- mitted, the military would shield them. The commission, at first, found some difficulty in securing interviews with the chiefs and warriors of such tribes as were 196 OUE INBIAN WARDS. regarded as hostile ; but finally, through the means afforded at the military posts and Indian agencies, appointments were made to meet certain bands of the Sioux, at Fort Laramie, on the 13th of September ; and the Cheyennes, Arapahoes, Apaches, Kiowas, and Comanches, at Fort Larned, on the 13th of October, 1867. On their way to Fort Laramie, on the 12th of September, the commission found, at North Platte, on the Pacific Kailroad, a considerable number of Sioux and northern Cheyennes, some of whom had long been friendly, and others who but recently had been engaged in war. This was the first council, and at one time it seemed as if no good would result from it ; but it proved otherwise, and a full un- derstanding was arrived at, which, though not reduced to writing, was, by the Indians, faithfully kept. Of this council, in their report made to the president, January 7, 1868, the commission said : " It was at this council that the hitherto untried policy in connection with Indians, of endeavoring to conquer by kind- ness, was inaugurated. Swift Bear, a Brule chief, then and now a faithful friend of the whitea-, had interested himself to induce the hostile bands to come to this council, and had < promised them, if peace were made, that ammunition should be given them to kill game for the winter. This promise was not authorized by the commissioners, but we were assured it had been made, not only by him, but by others of our runners, and that nothing less would have brought them in. These Indians are very poor and needy. The game in this section., is fast disappearing, and the bow and the arrow are scarcely sufficient to provide them food. To give one of these Indians powder and ball, is to give him meat. To refuse it, in his judgment, dooms him to starvation ; and worse than this, he looks upon the refusal (especially after a profession of friend- ship on his part) as an imputation upon his truthfulness and fidelity. If an Indian is to be trusted at all, he must be trusted to the full extent of his word. If you betray syiiip-- toms of distrust, he discovers it with nature's intuition, and' at once condemns the falsehood that would blend friendship and suspicion together. Whatever our people may have to say of the insincerity and duplicity of the Indian, would fail OUR INDIAN" WARDS. 197 to express the estimate entertained by many Indians of the white man's character in this respect. Promises have so often been broken by those with whom they usually come in con- tact ; cupidity has so long plied its work, deaf to their cries of suffering ; and heartless cruelty has so often sought them in the garb of charity, that to obtain their confidence, our promises must be scrupulously fulfilled, and our professions of friendship divested of all appearance of selfishness and du- plicity. We are now satisfied, whatever the criticisms on our conduct at the time — and they were very severe, both by the ignorant and the corrupt — that had we refused the ammuni- tion demanded at the council, the war, on their part, would have resulted in great loss of life and property. As it was, they at once proceeded to their fall hunt, on the Republican river, where they killed game enough to subsist themselves for a large part of the winter, and no act of hostility or wrong has been perpetrated by them since. The statement of this fact, if it prove nothing else, may serve to indicate that the Indian, though barbarous, is yet a man, susceptible of the feelings which ordinarily respond to the exercise of magna- nimity and kindness." While at the North Platte the scouts of the commission apprised it that the ISTorthern Sioux would not be able to meet it at Laramie at the time indicated, and thereupon the meeting at that point was postponed until the 1st of Novem- ber, and the commission proceeded to a point about eighty miles south of the Arkansas river, where it met, on Medicine Lodge creek, the Kiowas, Oomanches, Arapahoes, and Apaches. The Cheyennes, remembering Cedar Bluff, Sand Creek, and Pawnee Pork, with the hospitalities of civilization, as exemplified by Dowling, Chivington, and Hancock, were absent from the first councils, having camped some fo];ty miles distant. They were dubious as to the purposes and ob- jects of the commission. They knew that quite recently troops had been after some of them, and they did not com- prehend the change in our policy. Hence they kept at a dis- tance, but sent in small parties to observe what was in progress. In due time the commission made a treaty with the Kiowas, Comanches, and Apaches; and finally, when the 198 OUR INDIAN WABBS. Cheyenues came in, a treaty was made with them and the Arapuhoes. These treaties were executed at Council Camp, on Medicine Lodge creek — the first one on the 21st, and the sec- ond on the 28th of October, 1867. After the execution of these treaties, the limited annuities due these Indians in the spring of that year, hut which had been withheld, were, by permis- sion of the commission, distributed to them. The commis- sion then returned to Laramie to meet the Sioux, but they were not present. A prevalent belief existed among them that we had resolved on their extermination, and hence they were distrustful of the objects of the commission. More- over, it was too late in the season for those northern Sioux to come to a council, however much they might have desired to do so. Eed Cloud sent word to the commission that his hos- tility was with the view to save the Powder river country from intrusion, it being the only hunting ground left to his people. He assured them that whenever the military garri- sons at Fort Phil. Kearney and Fort C. F. Smith were with- drawn, his hostility should cease. As the commission had no authority to make such arrangement, it adjourned to meet in Washington on the 9th of December, first sending a message to Red Cloud to meet it early in the spring ; and asked of him a cessation of hostilities until such meeting was had. On the return of the commission, by way of North Platte, the mem- bers received new assurances of peace, even friendship, from the Indians there assembled, being the same to whom the ammunition was given at the previous meeting ; and, after the board arrived at "Washington, it was advised that Red Cloud had accepted the proposition to cease hostilities, and meet them in council, as requested. On the 7th day of January, 1868, the commission, as we have said, made report of its operations. In every case of complica- tions existing with the Indians at the date of its creation, and- for several years previous to that time, and which was investigated by it, the cause of the difficulty was traced to the wrong-doing of our own people, both civil and military. In a preceding chapter, extracts are given from its report, and quoted as the language of the commission of 1867-8, and these have, doubtless, already attracted the attention of the reader. Although no OUR INDIAN WARDS. 199 treaty had then been made with the Sioux, the commission said, in their report, that " with any thing like prudence and good conduct, on the part of our people in the future, we be- lieve the Indian war, east of the Rocky Mountains, is abso- lutely closed." In the spring the commission resumed its duties, and met the Ogallalla and Brul6 Sioux, at Fort Laramie, on the 29th of April, 1868, concluded a treaty with them, and thereafter, during the spi'ing and summer, at divers places on the Mis- souri river, the same treaty was submitted to the Upper and Lower Yauktonais, Uncpapas, Blackfeet, Sans Arc, Two Kettle, Minneconju, Lower Brule, and Santee Sioux, and was accepted and ratified by them. The general provisions in all these treaties were similar. "War between the parties was to cease forever. The honor of the government and the In- dians was pledged to this. If bad men, among the whites, committed any wrong against the Indians, the government was to cause the offender to be arrested and punished, and to reimburse the Indians for losses sustained. If bad men among the Indians committed wrong against the whites, the tribe, upon proof, was to deliver up the wrong-doer, to be punished by the United States, and the person injured to be reimbursed out of the annuities. The president was to pre- sci'ibe rules for ascertaining damages ; but no person sustain- ing loss, while violating the provisions of the treaty, or the laws of the United States, should be reimbursed therefor. By the treaty with the Kiowas, Comanches, and Apaches, a district of country was set apart for the absolute and undis- turbed use and occupation of the tl-ibes named, and for such other friendly tribes or individual Indians, as from time to time they might be willing, with the consent of the govern- ment, to admit among them ; and the United States solemnly agreed " that no person except those herein authorized so to do, and except such officers, agents, and employes of the gov- ernment as may be authorized to enter upon Indian reserva- tions in discharge of duties enjoined by law, shall ever be per- mitted to pass over, settle upon, or reside in the territory de- scribed in this (the second) article, or in such territory as may be added to this reservation for the use of said Indians." The 200 OUR INDIAN WARDS. territory described in article two, as the reservation thus set apart, is bounded as follows : " Commencing at a point where the Washita river crosses the 98th meridian west from Green- wich; thence up the Washita river, in the middle of the main channel thereof, to a point thirty miles, by river, west of Fort Cobb, as now established ; thence due west to the norlh fork of Eed river, provided said line strikes said river east of the 100th meridan of west longitude, if not, then only to said meridian line, and thence south on said meridian line to the said north fork of Eed river ; thence down said north fork, in the middle of the main channel thereof, from the point where it ma^' be first intersected by the lines above de- scribed, to the main Red river; thence down said river, in the middle of the main channel thereof, to its intersection with the 98th meridian of longitude west from Greenwich ; thence north on said meridian to the place of beginning." By the second article of the treaty with the Cheyennes and Arapahoes, the following district of country was set apart for their undisturbed use and occupation, together with such other friendly tribes or individual Indians, as from tinje to time they might be willing, with the consent of the govern- ment, to admit among them, to wit : " Commencing at a point where the Arkansas river crosses the 37th parallel of north latitude; thence west on said parallel — the said line being the southern boundary of the State of Kansas — to the Cimarron river (sometimes called the Red fork of the Arkansas river) ; thence down said Cimarron river, in the middle of the main channel thereof, to the Arkansas river; thence up the Arkansas river, in the middle of the main channel thereof, to the place of beginning." The same guaranty is given in this case as in that with the Kiowas, Comanches, and Apaches, that no person, other than those excepted, shall ever be per- mitted to pass over, settle upon, or reside in the territory set apart to the Cheyennes and Arapahoes as their reservation." In both treaties the Indians, parties to each, stipulated that they will relinquish the right to occupy permanently the ter- ritory outside of the reservations above described, but they all reserve the right to hunt on any lands south of the Ar- kansas, so long as the buffalo may range thereon in such OUR INDIAN WARDS. 201 numbers as to justify the chase, and it is agreed on the part of the government that " no white settlements shall be per- mitted on any part of the old reservation, as defined by the treaty made between the United States and the Cheyenne, Arapahoe, and Apache Indians, at ,the mouth of the Little Arkansas, under date of October 14, 1865, within three years from this date" (October, 1867). ' The Indians withdraw all pretense of opposition to the building of rail or wagon roads, and the construction of mail stations or other works of utility or necessity, which may be authorized by law; but should such roads or other works be constructed on the lands within the reservations, the govern- ment will pay the tribes whatever amount of damages may be assessed by three disinterested commissioners, to be appointed by the president, one of whom shall be a chief or head man of the tribes. The provisions of those treaties are numerous, and contain mutual covenants by the contracting parties. Among them is the following : That no treaty for the cession of any portion or part of the reservations, which are held in common, shall be of any validity or force as against the said Indians, unless executed and signed by at least three-fourths of all the adult male Indians occupying the same, and no ces- sion by the tribes shall be understood or construed in such manner as to deprive, without his consent, any individual member of a tribe of his right to any tract of land selected by him, as provided in the treaty, for a homestead. In the treaty with the Sioux, there was set apart for their reservation, and guaranteed to them and such other friendly tribes or individual Indians, as from time to time they might be willing, with the consent of the United States, to admit among them, for their absolute and undisturbed use and occu- pation, the following tract of country : " Commencing on the east bank of the Missouri river where the 46th parallel of north latitude crosses the same; thence along low-water mark down said east bank, to a point opposite to where the northern line of the State of Nebraska strikes the river; thence west , across said river and along the northern line of IS'ebraska to the 104th degree of longitude west from Greenwich ; thence north on said meridian to a point where the 46th parallel of 202 OUR INDIAN WARDS. north latitude intersects tiie same ; thence due east along said parallel to the place of beginning, and in addition thereto all existing reservations on the east bank of the river." Tlio same guaranties for the prohibition of intruders are incor- porated as in the treaty with the Cheyennes and Arapahoes. In this, as in the other treaties, it is stipulated that no cession of any part or portion of the reservation shall be of any va- lidity or force, unless executed and signed by three-fourths of all the adult male Indians occupying and interested in the same, and no cession shall deprive such Indians as have se- lected homesteads of their rights, without their consent. The provision in relation to building rail and wagon roads, etc., is the same as in the other treaties in all respects. In the Sioux treaty the United States stipulated that " the \ country north of the North Platte river, and east of the sum- mit of the Big Horn Mountains, shall be held and considered to be unceded Indian territory, and also stipulated and agreed that no white person or persons shall be permitted to settle upon or occupy any portion of the same, or without the con- sent of the Indians first had and obtained, to pass through the same ; and it is further agreed by the United States, that within ninety days after the conclusion of peace with all the bands of the Sioux nation, the military posts now established in the territory in this article named, shall be abandoned, and that the road leading to them, and by them to the settlements in the Territory of Montana, shall be closed up." And the Indians agreed to relinquish all right to occupy permanently the territory outside of the reservation, as defined in the treaty, but yet reserved the right to hunt on any lands north of the N"orth Platte, and on the Republican fork of the Smoky Hill river, so long as the buffalo may range thereon in suf- ficient numbers to justify the chase. It was further agreed that such of the Sioux as should elect to lead the life of nomads, and roam and hunt, should each receive, for the space of thirty years, ten dollars and a suit of clothes each year. The treaties of Medicine Lodge creek were not ratified by the Senate until in the month of July, 1868, and were not proclaimed by the president until in August, 1868. The OUB INDIAN WARDS. 203 treaty with the Sioux was ratified aud proclaimed in the latter part of February, 1869. In their report, the commission recommended the setting apart of two districts of country for the colonization of such Indians thereon, permanently, as had not then a residence on permanent reservations. One of these to be bounded north by the 46th parallel, south by the northern line of llTebraska, east by the Missouri river, aud west by the 104th meridian ; the other, east by the States of Missouri and Arkansas, west by the 101st meridian, north by Kansas, and south by Texas. In reference to the treaties concluded previous to the date of their report, the commission said : " In making treaties, it was enjoined on us to remove, if possible, the causes of complaint on the part of the Indians. This would be no easy task. We have done the beat we could, under the circumstances, but it is now rather late in the day to think of obliterating from the minds of the present gen- eration the remembrance of wrong. Among civilized men, war usually springs from a sense of injustice. When we learn that the same rule holds good with Indians, the chief difficulty is removed. But it is said ourwars with them have been almost constant. Have we been uniformly unjust ? We answer, un- hesitatingly, yes. We are aware that the masses of our people have felt kindly toward them, and the legislation of Congress has always been conceived in the best intentions, but it has been erroneous in fact or perverted in execution. ISTobody pays any attention to Indian matters. This is a deplorable fact. Members of Congress understand the negro question, and talk learnedly on finance, and other problems of political economy, but when the progress of settlement reaches the Indian's home, the only question considered is, ' how best to get his lands?' When they are obtained, the Indian is lost sight of.; While our missionary societies and benevolent associations have annually collected thousands of dollars from the charitable, to be sent to Asia and Africa, for the purposes of civilization, scarcely a dollar is expended, or a thought he- stowed, on the civilization of Indians at our very doors. Is it because the Indians are not worth the effort at civilization? Or is it because our people, who have grown rich in the occu- 204 OUR INDIAN WARDS. patioii of tlieir former lands — too often taken by force or pro- cured by fraud — will not contribute? It would be harsh to insinuate that covetous eyes have been set on their remaining possessions, and extermination harboi'ed as a means of accom- plishing it. . . . Would it not be well to so regulate our future conduct in this matter as to exclude the possibility of an unfavorable impression ?" As we have stated, tlie Senate did not ratify the treaties made in the fall of 1867, until after midsummer in 1868. In- deed, they were not proclaimed by the president until the latter part of August, 1868. Under the circumstances, the delay worked great injury. The Indians (Cheyennes and Arapahoes) had surrendered the reservation they had under the provisions of the treaty of October, 1865, with the guar- anty, however, that no white settlements should be made upon it for the perio'd of three years from and after October, 1867. The delay in the action of the Senate, and the conse- quent delay in appropriations of money to carry the new treaties into effect, the Indians could not comprehend. In the meantime, white people entered the old reservation, and began to make settlements on the land. No effort was made to check this trespass. The Indians were necessarily ousted, and this made them restless and uneasy. Practically, all that was left them was the hunting right south of the Arkansas. Gen. Sheridan, who had been for some time in Louisiana at- tending to reconstruction matters, having been transferred to the department of the Missouri, early in the month of April, 1868, visited the military posts on the Arkansas, and when at Fort Dodge, in Kansas, found encamped in that region many Indians, composed of Kiowas, Comanches, Cheyennes, and Arapahoes. These Indians sought an interview with him, and this he declined to grant, stating to them that ho was simply visiting the military posts to learn their condition and that of the soldiers, and that he was not authorized to talk with them. Such is his own statement. It will be noticed that these Indians were near a military post, and desired au interview with the commander of the military district in which they resided. There was no pretense in any quarter, at that time, that they had any hostile design. They were OUR INDIAN WAEDS. 205 practically without a home ; had not received the annual an- nuities due them that spring, under the treaty of 1865, and no appropriation had been made for fulfilling the provisions of the treaties of 1867. Indeed, these last v^ere then, and for nearly four months thereafter, reposing in the pigeon-holes of the Senate, at "Washington, awaiting the action of that august body. The Indians were destitute. On the 16th of April, 1868, the commissioner of Indian affairs, in view of this destitution, had requested the secretary of the interior to ask Congress for a special appropriation for the relief of these and other Indians, alike destitute, and the secretary immedi- ately asked Congress for such appropriation. That body took no action in the matter. The local agents of these Indians besought the department for aid, and feared deplorable re- sults should Congress fail to respond and make proper pro- vision for these needy Indians. On the 28th of May, the In- dian bureau again laid the matter before the secretary, who, on the following day, implored Congress for prompt action to save some of the Indians from actual starvation. A third ap- peal brought forth an appropriation of $500,000, made by a law approved on the 20th July, 1868, to be expended, not by the Indian bureau, but by Gen. Sherman. Had Geii. Sheri- dan deigned to give these starving Indians a hearing when at Fort Dodge, in April, they would no doubt have stated to him, with great frankness, their condition and their needs. This he declined to do, and yet had a willing ear for the stories told \)y the people about the fort. He said, in a report of his tour : " From all I couldTearn at Fort Dodge, there appeared to be outspoken dissatisfaction on the parfof the Indians, to removing to their reservations assigned by the treaty.jaf-Medi- cine Lodge creek, of the previous fall. ... I learned, from officers and others, that all the tribes considered the treaty of no importance except to get the annuities promised in it, and that they did not intend to go oin their reservations."" When we call to mind that the treaties (not treaty) of the fall previous, were then in the pigeon-holes of the Senate, and were not ratified and proclaimed for more than four mouths thereafter, this statement of Gen. Sheridan does not impress one very favorably with the intelligence of the local officers 206 OUE IlffDIAN WARDS. at the fort, or their superior, the commander of the department of the Missouri. It is, however, apparent that what he learned about the fort was precisely the sort of information he desired. He had made up his mind in advance, and no doubt before he visited Fort Dodge, in relation to the proper mode of dealing with these Indians. His conclusions, when oflBcially promulgated, were as follows : ^■^ " I am of opinion these Indians require to be soundly whipped; the ringleaders, in the present trouble, hung; their ponies killed, and such destruction of their property made, as will render them very poor. . . . The motives of the peace commission were humane, but there was an error of judgment in making peace with these Indians last fall. They should have been punished and made to give up the plunder captured, and which they now hold, and after properly sub- mitting to the military and disgorging their plunder, they could have been turned over to the civil agents. These In- dians are now rich in horses, stock, and other property suit- able to their comfort in their manner of life. From the best information, the Cheyennes and Arapahoes will average from twenty to two hundred horses to the lodge of six persons; most of this stock has been accumulating in their periodical wars." He adds : " These Indians are better armed than our own people." Others, who were presumed to know and did know, had said these Indians were poor, and it is difficult to see how they could be otherwise. For several years pirevious to that time they were almost constantly harassed, their villages burned, and their provisions and property destroyed, and many of their ponies taken from them or killed. The peace commission, when negotiating with them in the fall of 1867, mingling among and dwelling with them for several weeks, were not attracted by this great wealth to which G-eneral Sheridan refers, and for the simple reason that the statement was without any foundation. They had no such wealth. The rebuke of the peace commission, in the statement that it meant well, but erred in judgment when it made treaties with these Indians instead of whipping them, and the allegation that they had such wealth, were all stated in an official letter to OUR INDIAN" WARDS. 207 Gen. Sherman, for the inspection of himself and his col- leagues on the commission, and thus Gen. Sheridan evinced his extreme modesty, as well as his studious regard for accu- racy in the preparation of his official papers. In fact, lie knew nothing about the temper of these Indians, or their worldly possessions, and yet he wrote of both as though he had personal knowledge in the premises. Having come to the conclusion, and expressed his belief, that these Indians deserved punishment, before ho left Fort Dodge, General Sheridan commenced preliminary arrange- ments looking in that direction; and took into his employ- ment three men as scouts, and assigned to each a certain dis- trict in which to operate, and report to him weekly. As the employment of these men depended on Indian complications, and they were experts in the business, if none existed, they knew well how to originate them. Moreover, they were all imbued with the feelings of their distinguished employer, and ready to respond to his desires, and these were clearly in favor of a case that would serve as a pretext for making war^on the Indians. The last communication of the commissioner of Indian affairs to the secretary of the interior, of the date of June 23y„ 1868, appealing for aid for these Indians in their destitute con- ' dition, was accompanied by a letter from the superintendent of Indian affairs in the district in which the Indians resided. He said : " These Indians, taking it for granted that they had sold their old reservation when they made the treaties (of October, 1867), and expecting soon to be removed to their new homes, did not, to any great extent, cultivate their farms, and made no improvements; and, their treaties not be- ing ratified, they could not be made to understand why this was so, and wonder why they have not been provided with their new homes ; and, as the whites are continually trespass- ing on them, and moving on the ceded country and opening farms, and circulating false rumors relative to the Indians, and the disposition intended to be made of them by the gov- ernment, the Indians have become excited," and he feared that if they were not removed from Kansas serious conflicts ■would arise between them and the whites. Such a condition 208 OUR INBIAJf WARDS. of things as this opened a field for General Sheridan's scouts. This they cultivated, and it was not long until that oflBcer came to the conclusion that the Indians, especially the Chey- ennes and Arapahoes, were " hostile," and he began to pre- pare troops to operate against them. From whence he derived any lawful authority it is difficult to divine. Military^ officers are, however, on the frontier, and in the Indian coun- / try, as a general thing, a law unto themselves, and make war/ on Indian tribes whenever they please to do so. He had re/ ports of depredations, robberies, and murders committed by Indians, in the most minute form ; and these were formidable indeed, since he had experts in that line, under good pay, and whose employment depended on keeping him advised of the fact that there were " hostile " Indians in their districts, com- mitting depredations that required they should be punished. It is an indisputable fact, that for wrong and injury done them, and because of settlements being made on the old reservation by the white people, the Indians, in time, became excited, and some did commit depredations. It may, however, be safely assumed that the detail of these which General Sheridan exhibited, on careful investigation, would bear re- vision ; and it may be affirmed that, in the formidable bill of indictment which he presented against the Indians, there was not an item that he could, if put upon the stand, by his own testimony, have verified. Yet the whole collection was em- bodied in an official document addressed by him to General Sherman, under date of September 26, f&SS, and by the latter laid before his colleagues of the peace commission, at their meeting in Chicago, early in October, 1868. All qf the members were present except Senator Henderson and General Harney. The commission was in session several days, and the report of General Sheridan in relation to the depreda- tions of the Indians, and his views as to the necessity of their punishment, as well as the future custody of the Indiana, which he urged should be transferred to the war department, were considered. The Indians were not represented^ either in person or by counsel. At this meeting of the commission, the military portion, joined by Mr. Sanborn, having the ascend- ency, passed resolutions that the government should ceaae to OUE INDIAN WARDS. 209 treat with Indians as independent tribes ; that the clauses, in i the treaties with the Indians, made at Medicine Lodge creek, in October, 1867, allowing them to roam and hunt outside of the reservations, should be at once abrogated ; that the In- dians should be compelled, by military force, to go on the res- ervations assigned them by the treaties of October, 1867, and that the Indian bureau should be tul^ried over to the war | department ! These resolutions were adopted by a vote of four to two, Commissioner Taylor and Colonel Tappan voting in the neg- / ative. On his return to St. Louis, General Sherman immedi- ately advised General Sheridan of the action of the peace commission, and said : " I have sent you by mail every thing in relation to the action of the Indian peace commissioners, at Chicago, and of the interior department, about the Chey- ennes, Arapahoes, Kiowas, Comanches, and Apaches, with whom you are now engaged at open war." He informed Sheridan that at the Chicago meeting', one of his colleagues. Colonel Tappan, had "stated that the officers of our army, instead of protecting the Indians against the infuriated whites, had joined $he border people in their constant cry of ' exter- mination,' intimating that you and I had changed over to that creed from interested -motives. I denounced this in terms 80 harsh, that 'I KeTIt will not be repeated in my hearing ^ but he will not hesitate to carry his assertions to other ears, even in Congress, willing to hear any thing to our disparage- ment." General Sherman was industrious, at the Chicago meeting, in pressing upon his colleagues, what he termed " abundant testimony," against the Indians, but Jigither he nor any of the members of the cojmmission, except Taylor and Tappan, had one word to say against the " infuriated whites," for their conduct tow ardthe Indians; no condemna- tion of those who had settled on the old reservation ; no steps suggested for the removal of such from it, although the commission had pledged to the Indians, in the treaties of October, 1867, that no settlements should be made upon it for three years from that time. The action of the peace com- mission, at Chicago, was a complete repudiation of all its. 14 210 ouE Indian waeds. previous work, including the many grand utterances embodied in its report of January 7, 1868, and thereupon, without com- pleting th-e work Congress confided to it, adjourned sine die. We shall not attempt to comment on its conduct. The mere statement of the facts is sufficient. The names of the gentle- men who voted affirmatively at Chicago, are : Generals Sher- man, Terry, and Auger, of the United States army, and J. 13. Sanborn, civilian. It was specified, in the act of Congress of July 20, 1868, appropriating the sum of $500,000, to be expended under the direction of General Sherman, that the money should be ap- plied in " carrying out treaty stipulations, making and pre- paring homes, furnishing provisions, tools, and farming uten- sils, and furnishing food for such bands of Indians with which treaties have been made by the Indian peace commissioners, and not yet ratified, and defraying the expenses of the com- mission in making such treaties and carrying their provisions into effect." As none of the treaties were then ratified, this fund was applicable to all of them. On the 10th day of August, 1868, General Sherman, with a view to execute the duties imposed on him by law, connected with the disbursement of this money, issued a general order, with a view to bringing the work into "full harmony with the military interests of the frontier." By this order he desig- nated and set apart two districts of country, which he consti- tuted military districts. The first embracing all the country^ west of the Missouri river, within the Sioux reservation ; the second, the country bounded east by Arkansas, south b/ Texas, north by Kansas, and west by the 100th meridian. He assigned General Harney to the command of the first district, to have the supervision of the Sioux, and all issues and dis- bursements to them, subject only to the authority of. th« lieutenant-general commanding. He made a like assignmfent of the second district to General Hazen, to have supervision and control of the Cheyennes, Arapahoes, Kiowas, and Co- manches, and such other bands as were then, or may thereafter be, therein located, to have the supervision and control of all issues and disbursements to said Indians, subject only to the authority of the lieutenant-general commanding. Out of the OUR INDIAN WARDS. 211 appropriation of $500,000, General Sherman set apart $200,000 to and for the use of the Sioux district, to be disbursed by •Creneral Harney ; and $50,000 to and for the use of the In- -dians in the second district, to be disbursed by General Hazen. As early as the 17th of September, 1868, General Sherman, "by some process not disclosed in the'published documents, but no doubt through correspondence with General Sheridan, became impressed with the opinion that the Cheyennes and Arapahoes were not only hostile, but that they were actually ■at war with our people, and on that day so wrote to the sec- retary of war. He alleged that the treaty of Medicine Lodge •creek had been broken by them ; that the" department should invoke the superior orders of the president against any goods •whatever, even clothing, going to any part of these tribes, until the matter was settled. He claimed that, as military -commander, he had the right, unless restrained by superior authority, to prevent the issue of any goods whatever to In- dians outside of their reservations. He seemed to be perfectly ■oblivious to the fact that these Indians, by virtue of a treaty made with them, by the peace commission, of which he was a member, had a right guaranteed to them to roam and hunt ^south of the Arkansas, on any land where the buffalo ranged, and he seemed further to have forgotten that no steps had been taken to erect an agency-house, or any other buildiugs, on their new reservation, and, moreover, that Congress had given to him, and to no one else, the money, and confided to hira the initial steps in the fulfillment of the treaty stipula- tions with those very Indians, thus confiding to him a high "trust. The temper he was in when about to- enter into the discharge of this duty, may be inferred from a further extract ^ from his letter of September 17, to the secretary of war. « He said : " Ifo better time could possibly be chosen than the present for destroying or humbling these baads that have so outrageously violated their treaty, and began a desolating war without one particle of provocation ; and after a reasonable time given for the innocent to withdraw, 1 will solicit an ! •order from the president, declaring all Indians who remaiii outside of their reservations to be declared ' outlaws,' and ;; <;ummanding all people— soldiers and citizens — to proceed , 212 OUR INDIAN WAEDS. against them as such." These are remarkable utterances to fall from the lips of this peace commissioner, who was charged with the authority and supplied with the means to take all needful steps to fulfill our treaty stipulations with the Indians. For some time previous to the 17th of September, the troops of General Sheridan had been, and were then, in motion, and ou the 19th of the month, General Sherman again wrote the secretary of war that the Cheyennes and Arapahoes were at war ; that the troops could not discriminate between the well disposed and warlike parts of those bands, unless absolute separation be made, and suggested that the " agent" collect all of the former, and conduct them to their reservation, within the Indian Territory, south of Kansas, there to be provided for under their treaty, " say, about old Fort Cobb." He did not appear to understand that their reservation was not in the vicinity of old Fort Cobb, although the peace commission de- fined the boundaries of it, nor did he remember that he, and not the civil agent, had the money to be expended in making provision for them; and that he had, on the 11th of August, 1868, notified the secretary of the interior, that in the fulfill- ment of the duties confided to him, he should employ military agents, because he had more faith in their manner of doing business, and because their forms of accounts were more fa- miliar to him, and more easy to be examined and approved. Indeed, on the 10th of August, 1868, he had assigned General Hazen to duty in the district in which the reservation of these Indians was situate. Moreover, about the 20th of September, Colonel "Wynkoop, the civil agent of .these Indians, ceased to discharge the duties of agent for them, because of the action of General Sherman. Colonel Leavenworth, the agent of the Comanches and Kiowas, had left the Indian country gome time previous, and did not return. This was to be regretted, but it did seem that these civil oifecers could not remain. Military forms and military agents had been adopted by General Sherman, and hence there was nothing for the civil officers to do. As to the temper of the Cheyennes and Arapahoes, it may be stated that on the 10th day of August, 1868, Colonel "Wyn- koop wrote to the department that on the day previous he OUR INDIAN WARDS. 213 had made an issue of the annuity goods and ammunition to the 'Cheyenne chiefs and their people; that they were delighted at receiving them, and never before had he known them to he better satisfied. These goods, etc., were limited in amount and due under the treaty of 1865, and should have been is- sued in the spring, but had, from some cause, been delayed until that time. Several weeks before this issue, a dissatisfied party had started north from the Cheyenne village, on the war- -path against the Pawnees, and they, while out, got into diflS- culty with the whites, and committed some excesses and out- rages on the Saline river. The agent. Colonel Wynkoop, hav- ing learned the fact, submitted the matter of these outrages to two of the principal chiefs. Medicine Arrow and Little liock, and demanded that they deliver up the perpetrators, which they promised should be done ; but before sufficient time had elapsed for them to fulfill this promise, the troops were in the field and the Indians in flight. Colonel Wynkoop, in a com- munication detailing the excesses on the Saline, and the demand he had made, remarked that General Sheridan was then at Fort Dodge, organizing an expedition to go in pursuit of the Cheyennes who had gone south of the Arkansas when the trouble began, and that the probabilities were that if the troops tstruck any Indians, it would be the wrong parties. In a communication from Colonel "Wynkoop to the Indian office, after he had arrived at Philadelphia, he said that a " few thousand dollars for subsistence for these starving In- dians at the proper time would have saved millions to the treasury, saved many white men's lives, saved the necessity of hunting down and destroying innocent Indians for the faults of the guilty, and driving into misery and starvation numbers of women and little children, not one of whom but then mourned some relative brutally murdered at the horrible mas- sacre at Sand Creek, and who still suffijr from the loss of their habitations and property, wantonly destroyed by Major-Gen- eral Hancock." He concludes his letter thus: "Had each member of Congress seen what I have of the injustice prac- ticed toward these Indians, they would imagine there was not sufficient money in the United States treasury to appropriate for their benefit." 214 OUR INDIAN "WARDS. General Sheridan had, for some time previous to his visit to- Fort Dodge, been operating with detached squads of troops, and was then preparing a plan for an elaborate campaign. These annoyed and harassed the Indians very much, and* wherever possible killed them. In turn the Indians retaliated, killing some whites, and among them some of Sheridan's scouts. His elaborate preparations contemplated in the end a winter campaign against the " hostile Indians south of the Arkansas," to be composed of columns moving from the east, north, and west of the section of country in which he sup- posed the " hostile " tribes were, nnd thus force them into the western part of the Indian Territory. He expected with these converging columns to compel the Indians to surrender and be placed on reservations, or chastised into peace. In addi- tion to all the regular troops he could command and draw to his service, he called upon the Osage Indians and invited^ them to send him warriors to joitT tlie^expedition, and ob- tained two hundred of them, whom he attached to the com- mand under General Custer. They were called the Osage- trailers. General Hazen, who should^ have been at Fort Cobb, at farthest, by the middle of September, iiot as a fighting soldier, but clothed in the garb of " peace," to which service- he was detailed ou the 10th of August, was, as late as the 18th of -October, at Americus, Kansas, inviting the K;awJ[ndians to siapply the expedition "with several companies of their war- riors, to go out against the " hostile Indians south of the Ar^^ kansas." In communicating the offer of the Kaws, General Hazen wrote General Sheridan, and said : " They would be twice the service to you in actually making war, than an en- tire regiment of equipped cavalry." Indeed, General Hazeii__ became so inspired with the soun3~of the war bugle, that he- seemed willing to surrender his trust and the |50,000 allowed him to entertain the friendly Indians at Fort Cobb, and mod- estly said : " I would not hesitate, if desired, for a moment, in taking full control of these (Kaws), with the Caddoes,. Wichitaws, Shawnees, and Delawares, probably in all four or five hundred." And then, by way of illustrating from a mil^ itary standpoint, his fitness for the trust to which General Sher- , man assigned him, to go to Fort Cobb and take charge of tlaej OUR IXJDIAN WARDS. 215 friendly Indians, he said of the Kaw and others, whom he would like to command in the fight against the ." hostiles," they " ought to he given all they take from the Indians. They will also want rations, arms, and some pay." V^lv*.^ The governQr_of_Kaasas also caught the contagion, llis ' very soul was filled with martial ardor, and he not only sup • plied some militia for local posts, but raised a regiment of volunteers and resigned his ofi[ice to lead it in the combat, and was its coloneT Last, b^It not least. General Sherman, one of the peace commissioners, the very one to whom Congress had voted the raou ej to fulfill the_s.tir"^"^'"n« of the treati es that his com- mission had made with the Indians, conies to the front, and on the 15th of Octo ber, 186 8, wrote to General Sheridan thus : " I have all youi- dispatches and letters up to date, and do not see wherein I can further assist you or relieve you of unpleas- ant responsibility. I am so conscious of the great difficulty of satisfying public clamor, and of fighting small scattered bands of Indians, well mounted, armed, and equipped, that I want to leave you perfectly free to do what your judgment approves, and yet to assume as much responsibility as possible, to relieve you in case of any delay or temporary failure. . . . I will say nothing and do nothing to restmin ourjiroops from, doing what they deem proper on the spot, and will allow no mere vague general chatgeajof^criielty and inhumanity to tie their hands, but will use all the power confided to me to the end that these Indians, the enemies of our race and our civil- ization, shall not again be able to begin and carrj' on their barbarous warfare on any kind of pretext that they may choose to allege. . . . Xou may now go ahead in your own way, and I will back you withjny^?vhole_jjithoriJyj,_ani^ stand between you^a^nd^any eSorts thatjnay^^be_attempted in your rear to restrain your purpt55S"5f'chec^_yoHT troops." In the report of the peace comniTssion, dated January ^,_18§8", after reciting all the complications and conflicts with these Indians, from and including the attack on the Cheyenne vil- lage by Chivington, in 1864, up to the date of the report, and in every case tracing the difficulty to the doors of our own rate, the commission said : " We would not blunt the vigilance 210 OUR INDIAN WARDS. of military men in the Indian country, but would warn them against the arts of the selfish and unprincipled, who need to be watched as well as the Indians." When we call to mind that Congress, with this report before it, with General Sher- man's name attached thereto, had confided to him the duty of seeing that the provisions of the treaties were fulfilled, and voted him $500,000 for that purpose ; that he had done nothing beyond assigning General Hazen to the command of the dis- trict, and placed in his hands $50,000 to be expended for the benefit of the Indians ; that Hazen had not then (October 15th) been to Fort Cobb, but three days later (October" 18th) was among the Kaw Indians, receiving offerrs from them to sup- ply warriors to join Sheridan's expedition, and tendering his own services as their commandeV, the language and conduct of General Sherman are extraSrdinary indeed. It is not nec- essary to analyze or criticise either. Every intelligent reader will arrive at his own conclusion in the premises. The subject will be resumed in the next chapter. OUR INDIA.N WARDS. 217 CHAPTER XII. ■General Shekidah's operations. — Movements of General Custer. — His SCBPKISE AND DESTRUCTION OF BlACK KeTTLe's VILLAGE, CALLED BY THE MILITARY " THE BATTLE OF THE WaSHITA." — HlS RETtTRN TO GENERAL Sheridan's headquarters at Camp Supply. — Incidents and events op the march op the command from thence, via the battle-ground, to fokt Cobb. General Sheridan left Fort Hayes about the middle of E'o- vember, 1868, expecting to overtake his invading army at Bear creek. From that point he was to move toward the In- dian Territory, but there was an impression that he would not set out thence immediately. The newspaper correspond- ents with him said he had a large supply of extra horses, and the best outfit that had ever taken the field on the plains. He had, in advance, sent forward 400,000 rations to Fort Dodge, 500,000 to Fort Lyon, and 300,000'to Fort Arbuckle, and thus prepared for his winter campaign. The one-tenth of this amount of food given to these home- less Indians, would have accomplished all that was necessary, and completely composed and quieted all that were excited, as the small gift to the Sioux satisfied them the fall before. To have supplied these Indians with food would not, how- ever, have been a gift, but the simple performance of an ob- ligation, under the treaties of Medicine Lodge creek. But to have done this would not have met the views of the " ig- norant and corrupt," such as criticised the conduct of the peace commission in the case of the Sioux. Nor would it have satisfied General Sheridan. He had decided on a winter campaign, the objects of which were " to strike the Indians and force them on the reservations set apart for them," and if this could not be accomplished, " to show the Indian that the winter season could not give him rest, and that he and his village and stock could be destroyed ; that he ,would have no security, except in obeying the laws of peace and humanity." JEe had various columns in operation, whom he called " beat- 218 OUR INDIAN WARDS. ers in," but these were not expected to accompliah much, ex- cept to crowd the Indians south, and concentrate them in the Washita valley, in the direction of old Fort Cobb, General Sheridan arrived at Camp Supply on the 21st of November, where he found the forces of G-eneral Sully engaged in erect- ing houses, digging wells, and such other iraprovemeuts as were necessary to protect his supplies. "A furious snow- storm commenced on the same evening, which continued all night and the next day, making the situation very gloomy, especially on account of the non-arrival of the Nineteenth Kansas," which was expected about this time. This was the regiment of Governor Crawford. General Sheridan was much disappointed at the non-arrival of this regiment, since it was his intention to have united it with the Seventh Cav- alry (Custer's), and launched both on the Indians at once. Notwithstanding the incle'mency of the weather and the ab- sence of Crawford's regiment, General Sheridan orJered Gen- eral Custer to move his regiment, " storm or no storm," on the morning of the 23d of November. In. obedience to orders. General Custer moved promptly on that morning, at daylight, "although the snow continued to fall with unabated fury." For some time previous to this date, California Joe and some other scouts had been out in search of "hostile" Indians, and the Osage allies, or •' trailers," had been out on the same er- rand. Had these scouts discovered the Indian villages on the Washita and so advised General Sheridan ? And was this precipitate movement made in such inclement weather, under the apprehension that the Indians might learn that troops were coming from the north, and hence move their villages? In General Shei'idan's report of the operations of General ('uster, dated November 29, 1868, he says : " I have the honor to report for the information of the lieutenant-general, the following operations of General Cus- ter's command. On the 23d of November I ordered General Custer to proceed, with eleven companies of his regiment of Seventh Cavalry, in a southerly direction toward the Antelope Hills, in search of hostile Indians. On the 26th he struck the trail of a war party of Black Kettle's band, returning from the north, near where the eastern line of the Pan Han- OUR IXDIAX WARDS. 219' die of Texas crosses the main Canadian. He at once aban- doned his wagons and followed in pursuit over to the head- waters of the "Washita, and thence down that stream, and on the morning of the 27th surprised the camp of Black Kettle, and after a desperate fight, in which Black Kettle was assisted by the Arapahoes, under Little Raven, and the Kiowas, un- der Satanta, captured the entire camp, killing the chief, Black Kettle, and one hundred and three warriors, whose bodies^ were left on the field, all their stock, ammunition, arms, lodges, robes, and fifty-three women and three children. Our loss was Mnjor Elliot, Captain Hamilton, and nineteen enlisted men killed ; Brevet Colonel Barnitz badly wounded ; Brevet Lieu- tenant-Colohel Custer, Second Lieutenant E. J. Marsh, and eleven enlisted men wounded. " Little Raven's band of Arapahoes, and Satanta's band of Kiowas, were encamped six miles below Black Kettle's camp. About eight or nine hundred animals captured were shot, the balance kept for military purposes. The highest credit is due General Custer and his command. They started in a furious snow-storm, and traveled all the while in snow twelve inches deep. "Black Kettle's and Little Raven's families are among the prisoners. It was Black Kettle's band who committed the first depredations on the Saline and Solomon rivers in Kansas. The Kansas regiment has just come in. They missed the- trail and had to struggle in the snow-storm ; the horses suffer- ing much in flesh, and the men living on buffalo meat and other game for eight days. ... If we can get one or two more good blows there will be no more Indian troubles in my department. We will be pinched in our ability to supply, and nature will present many difficulties in our winter operations;- but we will have stout hearts and do our best. Two white children were captured; one white woman, and one boy, two years old, were brutally murdered by the Indian women when the attack commenced." This report was addressed to General Sherman, from the depot on the North Canadian, at the junction with Beaver creek. In transmitting the same to the adjutant-general, at "Washington, General Sherman indorsed on it : " This gives- 220 OUR INDIAN WARDS. General Sheridan a good initiation. I understand his supply depot to be on Rabbit Ear creek, a little west of south from Fort Dodge, whence he can direct operations; and his very- presence there will give assurance that the troops will act with energy-, and that nothing will be done but what is right. . . . The bands of Black Kettle, Little Raven, and Sa- tanta are well known to us, and are the same that have been along the Smoky Hill the past five years, and, General Sheridan reports, embrace the very same men who first began this war on the Saline and Solomon." The report made by General Custer, of the battle of the Washita, and addressed to General Sheridan, is dated, "In the field, on the "Washita, November 28, 1868," one day pre- ceding the date of the report of the latter to General Sher- man, and is as follows : " General: On the morning of the 26th instant, this com- mand, comprising eleven troops of the Seventh Cavalry, struck a trail of an Indian war party, numbering about one hundred warriors. The trail was not quite twenty-four hours old, and was first discovered neai;^the point where the Texas boundary line crosses the Canadian river. The direction was toward the southeast. The ground being covered by twelve inches of snow, no difliculty was to be experienced in follow- ing the trail. A vigorous pursuit was at once instituted; wagons, tents, and other impediments to a rapid march, were abandoned. From daylight until nine o'clock at night, the pursuit was unchecked ; horses and men were then allowed one hour for refreshments ; and then, at ten p. m., the march was resumed, and continued until 1 : 30 A. m., when our Osage trailers reported a village within less than a mile from our ad- vance. The column was countermarched, and withdrawn to a retired point, to prevent discovery. " After reconnoitering, with all the officers of the command, the location of the village, which was in a heavy strip of timber, I divided the command into four columns, of nearly equal strength. The first, consisting of three companies, under Major Elliot, was to attack in the timber, from below the vil- lage ; the second column, under Brevet Lieutenant-colonel Myers, was to move down the Washita, and attack in the OUR INDIAN WARDS. 221 timber, from above ; Brevet Lieutenant-colonel Thompson, in command of the third column, was to attack from the crest,, north of the village; while the fourth column was to charge- the village from the crest overlooking it from the west bank of the "Washita. " The hour at which the four columns were to charge si- multaneously, was the first dawn of day, and notwithstanding the fact that two columns were compelled to march several miles to reach their positions, three of them made the attack so near together as to appear like one charge ; the other column was only a few minutes late. There never was a more complete surprise. My men charged the village, and reached the lodges before the Indians were aware of their presence. The moment the charge was ordered, the band struck up ' Garry Owen,' and, with cheers that strongly re- minded me of scenes during the war, every trooper, led by his officer, rushed toward the village. The Indians were caught napping for once. The warriors rushed from their lodges, and posted themselves behind the trees and in the deep ravines, from which they began a most determined defense. " The lodges, and all their contents, were in our possession within ten minutes after the charge was ordered ; but the real fighting — such as has rarely been equaled in Indian warfare ^began when attempting to clear out or kill the warriors posted in ravines or underbrush. Charge after charge was made, and most gallantly too, but the Indians had resolved to sell their lives as dearly as possible. After a desperate con- flict of several hours, our efibrts were crowned by a complete and most gratifying success. The entire village, numbering forty-seven lodges of Black Kettle's band of Cheyennes, two lodges of Arapahoes, and two lodges of Sioux— fifty-one lodges in all — under the command of the principal chief. Black Kettle, fell into our hands. By actual and careful ex- amination, after the battle, the following figures give some of the fruits of our victory : The Indians left on the ground and in our possession the bodies of 103 of their warriors, includ- ing Black Kettle himself, whose scalp is now in the possession of our Osage guides ; we captured, in good condition, 875 horses, ponies, and mules ; 241 saddles, some of very fine and 222 OUB INDIAN WARDS. costly workmanship ; 573 buffalo robes ; 390 buffalo skius, for lodges ; 160 untanned robes ; 210 axes ; 110 hatchets ; 35 re- volvers; 47 rifles; 535 pounds of powder; 1,050 poundsof lead; 4,000 arrows and arrow-heads ; 75 spears ; 90 bullet molds ; 35 bows and quivers; 12 shields; 300 pounds of bullets; 775 lariats; 940 buckskin saddle-bags; 470 blankets; 93 coats; 700 pounds of tobacco. In addition, we captured all their ■winter supply of buffalo meat, all their meal, flour, and other provisions, and in fact every thing they possessed, even driv- ing their warriors from the village with little or no clothing. "We destroyed every thing of value to the Indians, and have now in our possession, as prisoners of war, fifty-three squaws and their children. Among the prisoners are the survivors of Black Kettle and the family of Little Rock. We also secured two white children, held captive by the Indians. One white woman, who was in their possession, was murdered by her captors the moment we attacked them. A white boy, held captive, about ten years old, when about to be rescued, was brutally murdered by a squaw, who ripped out his en- trails. " The Kiowas, under Satanta, and the Arapahoes, under Lit- tle Raven, were encamped six miles below Black Kettle's vil- lage ; the wai'riors from these two villages came to attempt the rescue of the Cheyennes. They attacked my command from all sides, about noon, hoping to recover the squaws and herd of the Cheyennes. In their attack thyy displayed great bold- ness, and compelled me to use all my force to repel them; but the counter charges of the cavalry were more than they could stand. By three o'clock we drove them in all direc- tions, pursuing them several miles. I then moved my en- tire command in search of the villages of the Kiowas and Arapahoes ; but, after a march of eight miles, discovered that they had taken the alarm at the fate of the Cheyenne village and had fled. " I was then three days' march from where I had left my train of supplies, and knew that wagons could not follow me, as the trail had led me over a section of country, so cut up by ravines and other obstructions, that cavalry could with difficulty move over it. The supplies carried from the train, OUR INDIAN WAEDS. 223 on the persons of the men, were exhausted; my men, from loss of sleep and hard service, were wearied out ; my horses in the same condition for want of forage. I therefore began my return march about eight p. m., and found my train of supplies at this point (it having only accomplished sixteen miles since I left it). In the excitement of the fight, as well as in self-defense, it so happened that some of the squaws and a few of the children were killed and wounded. The latter I have brought with us, and they receive all the medical attendance the circumstances of the case will permit. Many of the squaws were taken with arms in their hands ; and sev- eral of my command are known to have been wounded by them. The desperate character of the combat may be in- ferred from the fact that, after the battle, the bodies of thirty- eight dead warriors were found in a small ravine, near the village, in which they had posted themselves. " I now have to report the loss suffered by my command. I regret to mention, among the killed. Major Joel H. Elliot and Captain Louis M. Hamilton, and nineteen enlisted men ; the wounded includes three officers and eleven enlisted men — in all, thirty-five. Of the officers, Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel Albert Barnitz, captain Seventh Cavalry, is seriously, if not mortally wounded; Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel T. "W". Custer, and Second Lieutenant T. J. Marsh, Seventh Cavalry, are slightly wounded. Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel F. W". Banteen had his horse shot under him by a son of Black Kettle, whom he afterward killed. Colonel Barnitz, before receiving his wound, killed two warriors. I can not sufficiently commend the admirable conduct of the officers and men. " This command has marched five days amidst terrible snow storms, and over a rough country covered by more than twelve inches of snow. Officers and men have slept in the snow without tents. The night preceding the march, officers and men stood at their horses' heads four hours, awaiting the moment of attack ; this, too, when the temperature was far below the freezing point. They have endured every priva- tion, and fought with unsurpassed gallantry, against a power- ful and well-armed foe ; and from first to last I have not heard a single murmur ; but, on the contrary, the officers and men of 224 OUR INDIAN WARDS. the several squadrons and companies seemed to vie with each other in their attention to duty, and their patience and perse- verance under difficulties. Every officer, man, scout, and In- dian guide did their full duty. I only regret the loss of the gallant spirits who fell in the ' Battle of the Washita.' Those whose loss we are called upon to deplore are our bravest and best." The camp on the "Washita river, where General Custer wrote out the foregoing report, was not less than sixty miles distant from General Shei-idan's headquarters, at the junction of Beaver creek and North Canadian river. The communication was made between these points with so much celerity that General Sheridan was enabled to make his report of the "Battle of the Washita" on the 29th of November— Cus- ter's report, on which his was based, being made on the 28th. There was no rail or telegraph communication ; and^ in view of the fact that the country was broken, the ground covered with twelve inches of snow, and General Custer's horses and men well worn out, the dispatch was extraordinary. After preparing and forwarding his report. General Custer moved, with his command, prisoners, Osage trailers, scouts, and camp followers, to join his chief at his depot, at the junc- tion of Beaver creek and the North Canadian river. On the evening of the 30th of November, a courier arrived at Gen- eral Sheridan's headquarters, announcing to him that General Custer would camp that night only ten miles distant, and come in on the 1st of December. A correspondent of the New York Herald, who was with General Sheridan, wrote : " Shortly after the sun had passed its meridian (December 1), a cluster of dark and almost undefinable objects appeared on the crest of the hill, about a mile distant, and simultane- ously accompanied by shouts and the firing of musketry, an- nounced the approach of the column. On the summit of the hill the head of the column halted for a few moments. Mean- while General Sheridan took position in the valley, to await the arrival of the column, which was to pass the commanding general in review. All the officers and soldiers not on duty assembled in the vicinity of the post to witness the warlike pageant. The column was now within a short distance of the OUE INDIAN WARDS. 225 commanding general ; the Indians shouted, the band reiter- ated the stirring tones of ' Garry Owen,' and the troopers cheered. In response, rounds of huzzas of the troops of the fort shouted welcome and congratulation. In the advance was the Osage Indian trailers. Before leaving camp they had arrayed and decorated themselves in a manner becoming the importance of the occasion. Their faces were painted in the most fantastic and hideous designs. About their persons were dangling the trophies which they had captured in the battle. Spears, upon which were fastened the scalps of their fallen foes, were slung upon their shoulders; from their own painted scalp-locks were suspended long trails of silver orna- ments and feathers ; over their shoulders hung shields and bows, and quivers full of arrows, while in one hand they held the trusty rifle, and in the other grasped the reins. "Even the animals which the Osages bestrode were deco- rated with scalps and strips of red and blue blanket. At the- head of the band rode Little Raven, the chief, with a counte- nance as fixed as stone, yet in his bearing showing indications of an inward self-glorification, which was apparently kept stirring and swelling higher and higher, by the gesticula- tions and wild notes of the war songs shouted b}' his war- riors, intermingled with whoops and discharge of rifles. In a moment of enthusiasm the chief shouted, ' They call us Americans; we are Osages,' to which sentiment went up a responsive approval. Conspicuous in this party was th& young Osage warrior, Koom-la-Manche (Trotter). It was he- who, under the impulse of the highest ambition of Indian valor, that singled out the great chief, Black Kettle, the ter- ror of all the Osages, as his victim. After a severe conflictr he reached the crowning point of his efforts, and bore away the ghastly scalp of the terrible chief, as the trophy attaching to his success. With a mark of special attention, this scalp was carefully and fantastically decorated, and hung promi- nently among the most sacred possessions of the young war- rior. " Following the Indians were the scouts led by California. Joe, a veteran pioneer of forty years. Joe is a hirsute-look- 15 226 OUR INDIAN WARDS. iug specimen of humtinity, exhibiting an altitude of six feet ; a mat of red whiskei's hiding two-thirds of his face, and a long, knotty head of hair, well powdered in a series of coats of dust, intermingled with stray blades of grass, leaves, and st'cks, as the vestiges of his previous night's slumbers on the bosom of mother earth. Joe was a suitable figure-head for this motley band of curiously clad, adventurous, and rugged men. JSText came General Custer, riding alone, mounted on a magnificent black stallion, and dressed in a short blue sack •coat, trimmed with the color of his arm of the service, and reinforced with fur collar and cuff's ; on his head he wore an otter cap. When General Custer came within fifty yards of the commanding general, he left his position in the column and dashed up to his chief, when a warm and hearty ex- change of salutations was made between the commander and his distinguished lieutenant. Next followed the living evi- •dences of the victory — over fifty squaws and their children, surrounded by a suitable guard to prevent their escape. These were mounted on their own ponies, seating themselves astride the animals; their persons wrapped in skins and , blankets, and their heads and faces being covered, leaving nothing visible but their eyes. The mothers had their oft- spriug mounted behind them, the papoose being visible only by its diminutive head, peering up over the back of the head of its mother. Without a sigh, without a glance to the right or to the left, these remnants of the band of the once power- ful Black Kettle, followed with all the submission of captives. Eollowing these came the keen-sighted sharpshooters, com- manded by Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel W. W. Cook, and fol- lowing these the bravest men in the different companies of the regiment, in columns by platoons, under their proper officers. On a separate line of march from the summit came the wagon train, moving over the hills. In the lead were the ambulances conveying the dead and wounded. The regiment moved up the Beaver about half a mile from the fort, and there went into camp. That night the Osage allies gave a scalp dance, which was kept up to a late hour. . . The scene was one of savage effect. The burning logs in the cen- ter, the Indians painted and attired in war costumes, with OUE INDIAN WARDS. 227 spears, bows, shields, and all the trophies taken by them about their persons, performed their mysterious contortions of the body and whooped wildly, as if about to engage their foe. Many of our officers and soldiers, among the former Generals Sheridan and Custer, witnessed this scene, and re- mained until a late hour." On the 3d of December, the officers of the Seventh Cavalry met to testify by resolutions their sorrow for the untimely death of Major Joel H. Elliot, who was killed in the battle of the Washita, and the respect and estimation in which the deceased was held by his companions in arms. Among other resolutions adopted was one declaring that the gallant bear- ing of Major Elliot, in the battle of the Washita, "which brought him suddenly to the end of his earthly career, is de- serving of the highest praise ; that he fell in the attitude of defiant daring, heroically rallying his men, and by example inciting them to deeds of valor worthy of the greatest enco- miums that can be bestowed." In point of fact, at that time his colleagues did not know the circumstances under which he fell, or the precise locality where his body, and the bodies of the enlisted men who fell with him, then were. On the 4th of December, 1868, the remains of Captain Louis M. Hamilton, who was killed at the battle of the "Washita, were interred with military honors. Having given the men and animals one week's rest at Camp Supply, on the !N"orth Canadian river, General Custer, on the 7th of December, 1868, moved his command, composed of eleven companies of the Seventh Cavalry, ten companies of the Nineteenth Kansas Volunteers, and a detachment of scouts, and some twenty or thirty whites, Osage and Kaw Indians, as guides and trailers — the objective point being Port Cobb. General Sheridan accompanied the expedition. On the 10th of the month the command reached the Washita, about six miles belowthe battle-ground of November 27. Here it halted one day to graze the animals, and afford an opportunity to visit the battle-field and learn, " if possible, the exact fate of Major Elliot and his party of seventeen men, who, on the opening of the attack on Black Kettle's village, had pursued a party of fleeing Indians beyond the lines, and had never re- 228 OUR II^DIAN WAEDS. turned." In a report of the movements of this expedition, dated at Fort Cobb, December 22, 1868, General Custer said : " So confident was I of their fate (Major Elliot and party) that in my official report of the battle I numbered them in my list of killed. With one hundred men of the Seventh Cavalry, under command of Captain Yates, I proceeded to the battle-field early on the morning of the 11th. The Indians had evidently paid a hurried visit to the scene of the late confiict. The bodies of nearly all the warriors killed in the fight had been concealed or removed; while those of the squaws and children, who had been slain in the excitement and confusion of the charge, as well as in self-defense, were wrapped in blankets and bound with lariats, preparatory to removal and burial. Many of the Indian dogs were still found in the vicinity lately occupied by the lodges of their owners; they probably subsisting on the bodies of the ponies that had been killed, and then covered several acres of ground nearby. As ten days had elapsed since the battle, and scores of Indian bodies still remained unburied or unconcealed, some idea may be had of the precipitate haste with which the Indians had abandoned that section of country. "A thorough examination of the immediate battle-ground failed to discover anj' thing worthy of special report, except that Indian bodies were found which had not been previously reported in my first dispatch, and which w^ent to prove what we are well aware of now, that the enemy's loss in killed warriors far exceeds the number (one hundred and three) first reported by me. In setting out on our return to camp, Cap- tain Yates was directed to deploy his men in search of the bodies of Major Elliot and his party. After marching about two miles in the direction in which Major Elliot and his little party were last seen, we suddenly came upon the stark, stiff, naked, and horribly mutilated bodies of our dead comrades! No words were needed to tell how desperate the struggle which ensued before they were finally overpowered. . . . The bodies of Elliot and his little band, with but a single ex- ception, were all found lying within a circle not exceeding twenty yards in diameter. We found them exactly as they fell, except that their barbarous foes had stripped and muti- OUR INDIAN WAEDS. 229 lated the bodies in the most savage manner. All the bodies were carried to camp, and there (reached after dark, it being the intention to resume the march before daylight the follow- ing day) a grave vras hastily prepared on a little knoll, near our camp, and with the exception of that of Major Elliot, whose remains we carried with us for interment at Fort Ar- buckle, the bodies of the entire ps^rty, under the dim light of a few torches held in the hands of sorrowing comrades, were consigned to one common resting-place. No funeral note sounded to measure their passage to the grave ; no volley was fired to tell us a comrade was receiving the last sad rites of burial ; yet not one of the living but felt that the fresh earth had closed over some of their truest and most daring soldiers." The report of General Custer, of December 22d, is quite elaborate. It is not deemed necessary to produce all of it in detail. The next morning the command started on the trail of the Indian villages, nearly all of whom, it is stated, had moved down the Washita toward Fort Cobb. The forest along the banks of the "Washita, from the battle-ground to a distance of twelve miles, was found to have been one continu- ous Indian village. Black Kettle's band being above, then came other tribes, camped in the following order: Arapahoes, under Little Eaven ; Eiowas, under Satanta and Lone Wolf, and the remaining bands of Cheyennes, Comanches, and Apaches. ]!fothing could exceed the disorder and haste in which these tribes had fled from their camping-grounds. They had abandoned thousands of lodge-poles, some of which were still standing as when last used ; immense numbers of camp-kettles, cooking-utensils, cofiee-mills, axes, and several hundred buffalo robes were found in the abandoned camps adjacent to that of Black Kettle's village, but which had not been visited before by our troops. By actual examination and estimate, "it was computed," says Custer, "that over six hun- dred lodges had been standing along the Washita during the battle, and within five miles of the battle-ground; and it was from these villages, and others still lower down the sti-eam, that the immense number of warriors came, who, after my rout and destruction of Black Kettle and his band, surrounded my command, and fought until defeated by the Seventh Cav- 230 OUR INDIAN WAEDS. airy, about 3 p. M., on the 27th ultimo. It is safe to say that the warriors from these tribes that attempted the relief of Black Kettle and his band, outnumbered my force at least three to one. ... On returning from the battle-ground to the camp of my command, and when in the deserted camp, which, according to the statement of some of my Cheyenne prisoners, who wei'e brought along with me, was lately occupied by Sa- tanta with the Kiowas, my men discovered the bodies of a young white woman and child, the former apparently about twpty years of age, and the latter probably about eighteen months old. They were evidently mother and child, and had not long been in captivity, as the woman still retained several articles of her wardrobe about her person; among others a pair of cloth gaiters but little worn; every thing in- dicated that she had been but recently captured, and upon our attacking and routing Black Kettle's camp, her captors, fearing she might be recaptured by us, and her testimony used against them, had deliberately murdered her and her child in cold blood." The command followed the trail of the Kiowas and other hostiles, for seven days, down the valley of the Washita, over an almost impassable country, " where it was necessary to keep two or three hundred men almost constantly at work, with picks, axes, and spades," before being able to advance with the train. On the 17th, the scouts reported a party of In- dians in front with a flag of truce. They bore a letter from General Hazen, at Fort Cobb, of the date of the 16th De- cember. This letter notified the commander of the troops in the field that the writer, General Hazen, had heard that they had reached a point some twenty miles above Cobb, and that all the camps between that point and Cobb were friendly, and had not been on the war-path that season. It advised the commander to communicate with Satanta or Black Eagle, near where he was, and they would readily inform him of "the position of the Cheyennes and Arapahoes, and also where General Hazen's camp was. General Custer took a small party and proceeded beyond his lines, and met some twenty of the principal chiefs of the Kiowas, Comanches, and Apaches, who proposed to accompany him to Fort Cobb, the Kiowas OUE INDIAN WARDS. 231 assuring him that their village was already near that point, and moving to the post. lifot believing in these professions, and learning from his scouts that their entire village was hastening away to the Washita Mountains, General Custer says that, nevertheless, on reaching his camp, he gave rations to the entire party of chiefs and warriors who accompanied him, intending to do no act that might be construed as un- friendly. He states that they all promised to proceed with h"!in to Fort Cobb the following day, except two or three, who were to rejoiu the village and conduct it to the fort ; but, on resuming the march the next morning, it was found that but three Kiowas and two Apaches remained. These, during the march, expressed a desire to go to their village and change their horses, as well as to give directions about the movement of the village to Fort Cobb. He permitted the Kiowa chief lowest in rank to set out for the village to hasten its march to Fort Cobb, and then placed Loue Wolf and Satanta, the head chiefs of the Kiowas and Apaches, under guard, deter- mined to hold them as hostages for the faithful performance of their people. He said the communication from General Hazen, stating that all the camps referred to were friendly, and had not been on the war-path this season, occasioned no little surprise on the part of those (General Sheridan and him- self) who knew the hostile character of the Indians referred to. They knew that these Indians had participated in the battle of the Washita; and they had followed the trail of these tribes from the dead bodies of their comrades slain by them. Moreover, if they needed cumulative testimony. Gen- eral Custer said they had it, in the statement of Black Eagle, given voluntarily, not to the military, but to the officei-s of the Indian department, and conveyed by Philip McCusky, their interpreter, to Thomas Murphey, superintetident of Indian affairs. There was other testimony, drawn from conversation with Lone Wolf, Satanta, Black Eagle, and others ; and all confirmed by a sister of Black Kettle. General Custer said he had not intimated that he had this testimony to the chiefs he held as hostages, and did not intend to at that time. After reaching Fort Cobb, on December 18th, General Custer said it became evident that the chiefs were attempting their 232 OUK INDIAN WARDS. usual game of duplicity, and that their villages were going from and not coming to Fort Cobb. They were all placed under a strong guard, but this did not produce the desired efl'ect. Then it was that General Custer announced to Lone Wolf and Satanta the decision wliich had been arrived at regarding them. He gave them until sunrise the following morning to cause their people to come in, or to give satisfac- tory evidence that they were hastening to come in. If no such evidence appeared, both of these chiefs were to be hung, at sunrise, to the nearest tree. At the same time, they were offered every facility to send runners and communicate their desires to their tribes. This, he said, produced the desired effect. By sunrise several of the leading Kiowas came to his camp and reported the entire village on the move, hastening to place themselves under control. General Custer closed thus : "At this date I have the satisfaction to report that all the Apa»hes, nearly all the Comanches, aud the principal chiefs and bands of the Kiowas, have come in and placed themselves under our control ; not to make a treaty and propose terms of settlement, but begging us to pronounce the terms upon which they